Transcription
REPORT OF THE PLATFORM-DIRECTIVES COMMITTEE
March 17, 1973
LaCrosse, Wisconsin
Co-Chairpersons:
Secretary:
Jim Mulhern & Jim Wilbur
Paul Jacobson
PREAMBLE: The Democratic Youth Caucus of Wisconsin should take action
to realize the goals set in the platform. The State Executive Board
is directed to lobby these issues at the State Legislature and other
State Agencies. Steps should be taken to inform the public and arouse
public support. Methods should be found and used to institute the
goals of the platform outside of legislation.
STATE ISSUES
Consumer Affairs
1.
2.
3.
4.
Support standardization of packaging.
Support state-wide control of cable TV.
Support state regulation and licensing of mechanical and
technical repairmen.
Support state-wide standardization of building codes.
5. Support formation of tenant unions and their right to strike.
Support cabinet level consumer affairs,
6.
7.
8.
Support requiring gas stations to post prices.
Support requiring all stores to have lists of all base prices
readily available on premises for consumers.
Environmental Issues
1. Support restrictions providing minimal use of packaging in
commerce.
2.* Ban all non-returnable bottles and cans; require deposit on
all beverage bottles and cans.
3. Ban all outdoor advertising except at places of business.
4. Ban advertising by public utilities except when to benefit
5.
6.
7°
8.
9.
10.
11.
of consumer.
Support increased state aid to county governments to improve
water quality.
Ban plasticized cups and plates at university campuses.
Oppose strip mining in any form in the State of Wisconsin.
Support restrictions on application of commercial agri-
cultural fertilizers by waterways.
Revamp DNR to increase enforcement powers and separate tourist
promotion and special interests.
Place restrictions as to location and size of landfill sites.
Support a five year ban of party permist for deer hunting in
the State of Wisconsin.
12. Ban shooting on preserves.
13.
14.
15.
Support stricter enforcement of laws protecting endangered
species.
Require all state agencies and the legislature to use recycled
paper.
Increase restrictions on recreational resorts, as to location,
number, and size.
16. Support of funds being diverted from the State Highway Trust
fund for local publicy owned transit systems.
---
Tage 2
17. Support further public research on alternative sources of energy
with less impact on the environment than present system.
Support ban of gasoline boat motors on natural lakes less than
50 acres in size.
✓ 18.
19. Support state legislation to provide loans to help fulfill
pollution standards.
20. Urge support of standard reclimation regulation to be set by
DNR in regards to open pit mining, including regulations regard--
ing use of ecologically prime land for open pit use.
Health
1. Protect rights of women to determine question of abortion up to
limits laid out in Supreme Court decision.
2.
3.
V.
5.
6.
70
8.
ވ؟ ކ
10.
レ 11.
✓12.
13
No age, marriage, or advertising restrictions on birth control.
No parental consent or notice for VD checks.
Legalization of use of marijuana and other physically non-
addictive drugs as per California Initiative on 1972 ballot.
Support investigation of hospital procedures related to patient
care and treatment.
Uniform system of fees for services rendered by doctors and
health institutions.
Sell drugs by generic name and legalize public advertising of
drug prices.
Support meaningful sex education programs in schools.
Support free sterilization on demand.
Support that the AMA be totally removed from the certification
of Medical Schools.
Support treatment of addiction as an illness not a crime.
Support establishment of free clinics for addicts.
Support Kennedy - Griffiths Bill
Education
1. Support merger implementation allowing students to control
student activity fee.
2.
3.
5.
6.
7.
684
8.
Support organized teacher's unions and their right to strike.
Enforcement of age of majority laws on campuses.
Free driver's education to all citizens over 16.
Stand of tuition rates within UW system comparable to present
state technical institutes rates.
Suppott the establishment by the legislature of a state-wide
criteria for the accredation of free schools with input from
existing free schools,
Support right of dorm students to determine their own life style.
Support banning of all aid to private and parochial schools.
9. Opposed specialized universities as it is against interdisci-
plinary curriculums that ensure students of a diversified edu-
cation.
10..
11,
12.
13.
14.
15.
Oppostiion to tracking in the public education system in Wisconsȧ.
State support for education of retarded and handicapped.
Opposition to required physical education requirements require-
ments in high schools and universities.
Abolish legislative scholarships.
Reduce allowable athletic scholarships.
Support state-wide standard that age limit to attend high schools
be 16.
---
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Repeal all state laws prohibiting solicitation for private voluntary
sexual liaisons. and those laws prohibiting prostitution, both male and female.
Enactment of legislation prohibiting insurance companies and any
other state-regulated enterprises from discriminating because of
sexual orientation, in insurance and in bonding or any other
prerequisite to employment or control of one's personal demesnee
Child custody, adoption, visitation rights, and the like shall not be
denied because of sexual orientation or marital status.
Repeal of all laws prohibiting transvestism.
RECOMMENDED CRITERIA FOR ENDORSEMENT
OF POLITICAL CANDIDATES BY GAY GROUPS
Candidates must pledge inheriting to support the above platform.
They should be judged on past performance if they have had an opportunity
in their past career to actively support any or all of the platform issues.
They must consistently mention gay rights in their speeches and literature.
They should have a declared gay person on their staffs as liaison to gays.
They must participate in gay activities such as Gay Pride Week events.
They must work for the election of gay candidates for convention delegate.
They must positively respond to specific local-issue questionnaires.
Candidates must not be allowed to divide the gay community.
---
BY DON OLESEN OF INSIGHT
HE LOVES TO SHOCK THE SYSTEM
Lo
ONG before he entered the Wisconsin Legislature in 1965,
Rep. Lloyd A. Barbee was rattling the Milwaukee power
structure, causing sulfurous smoke to pour from the ears of
certain community leaders.
The Milwaukee Democrat is intense, slender, 46 and im-
peccably dressed when he walks Madison's marble halls. His
manners are urbane. His speech does not merely flow; it cas-
cades. Sentences stream out in a polished torrent, often
changing course in midsentence, always a jump behind an
agile mind.
Barbee is a lawyer with a doctor of laws degree from the
University of Wisconsin Madison. He began his legislative
career clean shaven. Later, at the rise of the Black Power
movement, he adopted a full beard and today favors a swoop-
ing, piratical looking mustache which, he says, his children
endorse (Barbee is divorced).
He can be exceedingly tart of tongue with a gift for rolling
invective (he recently accused an opponent of "pandering to
the lowest common denominator of phony morality"). He de-
lights in pricking the earnest pretensions and timidities of
certain white liberals, who view him uneasily, as they would
an Asian flu epidemic.
Above all, Rep. Barbee is a man who delights in outraging
and shocking the system. This is not done in wayward whim-
sy, however, but generally for a purpose.
As a state NAACP leader in 1963, Barbee sent a quiver
through white Milwaukee when he proposed bussing (among
a number of other alternatives) as one way of improving a
school system he considered segregated.
He underscored the point by leading a partial student boy-
cott of Milwaukee schools in 1964 and a second a year later,
when he got himself arrested. In 1965, Barbee filed suit in
Federal Court here charging that the Milwaukee school sys-
tem is segregated. He and volunteer helpers have put in
hundreds of hours of research on the suit, still pending. The
National Education Association recently donated $10,000 and
the services of a lawyer to help it along.
As Wisconsin's only black legislator, Barbee continues rat-
tling skeletons and outraging public opinion with a gusher of
controversial bills. He also has managed to get himself re-
elected regularly from Milwaukee's solidly black 6th District.
Among 77 Barbee bills in the last session were those
eliminating bars against hitchhiking, fortune telling, drugs,
gambling, prostitution and abortion; legalizing sexual activi-
ty (both "natural" and "unnatural") between consenting per-
sons; limiting the term of Milwaukee's police chief; eliminat-
ing educational requirements for professional and skilled
occupations; electing School Board members by wards instead
of at large; repealing compulsory school attendance; teaching
Afro-American, Indian and Chicano history in public schools;
restricting outdoor advertising, and setting up a unicameral
legislature in Wisconsin.
Many of these bills are aimed at his own constituency.
Many are not, dealing with what Barbee calls the injustices
dumped upon the "have-nots" of society.
The mortality rate of such unorthodox bills is high. The
impact of a political maverick, however, cannot be measured
solely in bills passed. He has won respect for his energy and
ability, if not always for his ideas. He was a member of two
powerful legislative bodies Joint Finance Committee and
the Board of Government Operations. And, sometimes, his
causes do win.
His was the first state open housing bill and it did pass,
though watered down. In February, the Legislature passed a
bill repealing all exemptions to open housing; it was drafted
by Barbee and others.
The US Supreme Court recently gave Barbee a belated vin-
dication. It ruled that the Wisconsin Legislature ignored due
process of law by jailing Father James E. Groppi for leading
the welfare takeover of the Legislature in 1969. A Barbee bill
requiring due process had failed to pass the same Legislature.
Not long ago, some of the lawmaker's more outrageous
sounding bills on morality drew support from a thoughtful
establishment source a Citizens Study Committee on Of-
fender Rehabilitation. It presented Gov. Lucey with recom-
mendations to legalize noncommercial gambling and remove
bars to prostitution and sexual acts ("perversion" included)
between consenting adults.
And, in March, the National Commission on Marijuana and
Drug Abuse recommended that all penalties be eliminated for
the personal possession and private use of marijuana
point Barbee has been making in Wisconsin since 1967.
- a
If many of his ideas seem ahead of their time, Wisconsin's
lone black legislator feels that changing times are beginning
to catch up with some of his ideas. A tape recorded interview
with Barbee follows.
Continued
---
2 to 221/2.
840) Downtown, Lower Level;
an Stores
call 271-5020 or mail coupon
ore, 331 W. Wisconsin Ave.
, Wis. 53203
e
(840) 4-16-72
State
Zip.
C.O.D.
Size
Check
Price
R
'Half the crimes on the
statue books have
no business being crimes'
EP. Lloyd A. Barbee lives on
the run, occasionally pausing
for such frivolous matters as eat-
ing and sleeping. Insight caught
up with the state legislator when
he paused for a late supper. It
was 9 p.m. Primed with an occa-
sional question, Barbee kept up a
rapid fire commentary while con-
suming a large plate of fried
chicken, washed down with three
cups of tea. It didn't slow his de-
livery a bit. Here are taped ex-
cerpts from the interview, held
before the 1971 legislative ses-
sion adjourned last month.
Mr. Barbee, is there a particular
pattern to your legislative bills?
The way I see myself in the
legislature is to advance legisla-
tion that I think will move Wis-
consin into the 20th Century and
get ready for the 21st. I see that
as my way of challenging con-
ventional wisdom, which is in my
mind highly structured for the
status quo and seems to leave out
young people, and obviously
blacks and the American Indi-
ans, and also some people who
are just dissenters or eccentrics.
We must do something for peo-
ple that I refer to as the "have-
nots." I want to work for the
have-nots having what the haves
have, if they want it. In my mind
there aren't many people who
will speak up for those individu-
als.
So I take that as my positive
approach. My negative approach,
of course, is to repeal all of the
laws that I think are interfering
with what I think is a good
society.
You've been quoted as saying
that "the crime rate can be cut in
half by eliminating the crimes."
not adopt somebody's morality at
the expense of another person's.
By that I mean churches that
insist that we should not have
abortions because it is against
their doctrine. That's perfectly
all right for these churches to do
so with their own members, but I
do not see why the state should
force people who are not religious
at all to abide by somebody's an-
tiquated notion of morality. For
that reason I got into the abor-
tion fight and my bill is different
from others because it permits
unrestricted abortions. This is
the ideal form, which is nonstate
involvement.
Your sexual morality bill would
repeal present laws against adul-
tery, fornication, abortion and
sexual perversion, among other
things. How long have you been
introducing such legislation?
I've been introducing them
through all the terms I've been in
office, since 1965. Some people
think that these are bills merely
to liberate homosexuals. In my
mind I believe they liberate het-
erosexuals, too, assuming the
heterosexuals are 90% of the
population of the state. A hetero-
sexual who isn't married isn't
supposed to have sex at all. If he
is married, he is permitted to
have only one kind of sex, that
results in offspring. All oral and
anal copulation is completely
outlawed. This is what I call the
state being in the bedroom.
What you're proposing, I gather,
is sexual freedom between con-
senting adults?
Not consenting "adults," it's
really consenting parties. [Bar-
bee's bill would lower the age of
consent from 18 to 14.] This is
my theory. In our civil law we
say that anyone 14 or over has to
consent to being adopted, or hav-
ing a guardian. Now you can
What do you mean by "good argue about when puberty really
society"?
I'm convinced that half the
crimes on the statue books have
no business being crimes any-
way.
One in which government does
begins but most people quibble
between 12 or 13 or maybe 14. In
---
my mind sexual activity for most
people begins at 14 and this is
where I differ from anybody in
the country. I take 14 as the age
of consent.
Since you say "consenting" par-
ties you obviously don't sanction
rape?
Nobody can argue that serious-
ly because I'm not legalizing any
rape in that bill.
What about incest?
I thought once of eliminating
the incest penalties altogether. I
had a big argument with some
lawmakers when I was at a con-
ference of black elected officials
and I was advancing my argu-
ments [on sexual behavior]. They
were saying I must be a swinging
legislator.
In the process I mentioned that
incest was good enough for the
kings and queens so it had to be
good enough for the common
people and that therefore I want-
ed to redress that imbalance and
some of them reacted like typical
middle class whites would react.
So I have reduced the penalties
for incest in my bill [from the
present 10 years to one year].
A serious minded body, the Citi-
zens Study Committee on Offender
Rehabilitation, recently proposed
dropping a lot of the state laws
against gambling, prostitution,
sexual misconduct and the like.
Aren't these things you were pro-
posing years ago when people were
calling you a crackpot and a nut?
Yes. Of course, I believe that
those things are not as radical as
some of my opponents have indi-
cated. There are some people who
look at legislation as being the
art of the possible but they tend
to start from such a low level of
bargaining that their type of pol-
itics becomes the art of realistic
appeasment.
In other words, you think legisla-
tors give in too early and too fast?
You don't compromise on prin-
ciple, you can only compromise
on the methods of implementa-
tion. When the methods start
merging with the principle,
something's wrong.
When did you first introduce the
bill to legalize marijuana?
-
I think in my second term
that would be 1967. I have a bill
now that would legalize drugs,
all drugs. I'm not at all persuad-
ed that people who use even hard
drugs necessarily die as early as
people say, or that they are a
menace to society.
What about the claim that hero-
in users turn to robbery and bur-
glary to support their addiction?
That's because we keep the
Mafia and organized crime in
business by overpricing adulter-
ated and even poisonous sub-
stances. We should legalize
drugs. In addition to that we
should put drugs under the Pure
Food and Drug Act. And I think
the states should be involved by
seeing that the quality is good
and that the price is reasonable.
What about the problem of phys-
ical addiction?
I think people of a certain age
have a right to abuse their bodies
and their minds. And if we edu-
cate people not to use it, or to use
it with real moderation, and we
regulate the purity of the sub-
stances and we regulate price -
actually, what I'd like to do with
the drug thing is have the state
take over the dispensation of
drugs, as some states now do
with liquor sales.
I seem to recall that you op-
posed the motorcycle helmet law
on somewhat similar grounds
that what people do to themselves
is their own business.
-
Most of the people who ride
motorcycles, they want their hair
to fly in the breeze and if their
brains get splattered, then their
brains get splattered. That's
their own risk to take. That
shocked a lot of my liberal people
because they thought I was for
Continued
---
'I don't like the idea of the
legislature becoming
hysterical, as it tends to do'
regulating things because I'm for hearing. We almost got it passed
fair housing.
Maybe you're really a conserva-
tive?
My kids keep telling me,
"You're really a joke, you're not
at all radical." I don't like the
idea of the legislature becoming
hysterical, as it tends to do, in
order to do something that they
think is popular in terms of mo-
rality. I tend to be conservative
that way. I've seen so many
things done in the legislature
just on hysterical popular de-
mand.
In January, the US Supreme
Court unanimously held that the
Wisconsin Legislature violated due
process of law when it jailed Fa-
ther James E. Groppi for con-
tempt of the Assembly in 1969.
You had a bill on that subject,
didn't you?
I'm the only person to intro-
duce legislation in the past cou-
ple of years to not permit the leg-
islature to convict anybody for
contempt without giving them a
except for some Democrats who
thought it was not to their inter-
est to correct the situation.
One of your bills would elimi-
nate educational requirements for
people who want to be doctors,
dentists, nurses, lawyers, archi-
tects, engineers, plumbers, bar-
bers and the like. Why?
The theory is quite simple. If
you're going to give a license to a
professional or a skilled person
and, as part of getting that li-
cense, they must pass an exami-
nation given by a board set up to
test their qualification, then it
seems to me you should not also
require the applicant to go to
school a certain number of years,
or have a high school diploma
plus a college degree plus a pro-
fessional school degree.
There are some people who are
very talented but they have not
gone through the hothouse busi-
ness of getting degrees and diplo-
mas. In addition I'm concerned
about the have-nots, the people
Continued
Wisconsin scenery
is beautiful in
every season.
And few writers capture the
natural beauty of our state
like Mel Ellis. In his "Notes
from Little Lakes," you'll
meet engaging wild animals
and roam the countryside,
creeks and lakes. It's reading
about nature and the animal
kingdom the entire family
will enjoy.
Look for "Notes from Little
Lakes" by Mel Ellis in the
Men's and Recreation Sec-
tion of the Sunday Milwau-
kee Journal!
April 16, 1972
FILM PROCESSING
KODACOLOR
12 Exp.
20 Exp.
$2.49
$3.75
BLACK & WHITE
SLIDES-MOVIES
$1.25
KODACHROME
12 Exp.
20 Exp.
70c
$1.00
20 Exp.
$1.25
36 Exp.
$2.00
Our 50th
WE HANDLE ALL FILM
Add Wis
Year
NO LIMIT
Sales Ta
FREE! Album Sheet With All Color Print Film
SEND FOR MAILERS
OR MAIL TO:
BOX 110
WATERTOWN
WIS. 53094
SAVON Phot
219 N. 4th St., Watertown, Wi
---
'If they can draft men for
Vietnam, they can draft then for
work in their own communities'
in my district that can't really
read and write very well. But
give them an oral test and they
can pass it without any problems,
testing those same basic skills.
You have two bills in this session
on the Milwaukee Police Depart-
ment. One would limit the chief to
a four year term, not an indefinite
tenure as at present. The other
would set up a civilian department
under a civilian chief. It could
even draft young men for police
duty.
If they can draft men for two
year terms in Vietnam, they can
draft them for work in their own
-
communities. I am a very strong
believer that the head of the po-
lice department be a civilian. We
insist that this be so in our
armed forces that the presi-
dent [as commander in chief] be
a civilian. I really think we
should not permit a line police-
man to become a chief. And I
require psychological screening
[of policemen] because we do
have far too many masochists
and sadists.
What about the four year limit
for the chief?
I think that four years is the
term most officeholders have. I
think four years is a good time.
It's long enough for a mayor, it's
long enough for police chief.
Then there's your bid to legal-
ize prostitution, with women and
houses licensed by the state to pro-
tect public health and safety. Last
year, I'm told, you were inter-
viewed on a Green Bay radio sta-
tion. The interviewer asked you,
"Would you want your daughter to
be a prostitute?" What did you tell
the man?
Well, my thought was that if
my daughter chose to enter that
old profession there really wasn't
very much I could do about it
anyway and it really wasn't a
matter of my consent. I said if
she chose to go, I would not look
down on her because, I under-
stand, there are many women
who are married who put on a
prostitution act.
What about your proposed con-
stitutional amendment to legalize
gambling?
There was a time when I was
not for legalizing it but I changed
my mind after seeing how the
poor blacks are picked up in
Milwaukee for doing nothing
that the Eagles and others aren't
doing.
In the first place, the state
constitution has no business get-
ting into gambling. I would rath-
er take it out of the constitution
and let the legislature and the
people of the state decide what
kind of gambling we ought to
have. I really think that commer-
cial gambling isn't harmful if the
state regulates it.
You had a bill to replace our
present Senate and Assembly with
a unicameral, or one house, legis-
lature. Why?
I feel very strongly that a state
of this size does not need two
houses. I don't think states really
have sovereignty, that the na-
tional government has it. I be-
lieve that states do not need the
checks and balances of two
houses any more than a city like
Philadelphia, which started out
with a bicameral council. It's per-
fectly clear to anyone who knows
anything about local government
that Wisconsin could administer
its government much cheaper
and more efficiently [under a
unicameral legislature].
You've had unicameral bills in
several sessions. What's happened
to them?
They've been defeated every
time; I have had my fourth de-
feat. I think the unicameral idea
is going to wait awhile, partly
because a lot of us want to stay
in office.
I
THE MILWAUKEE JOURNAL
---
Carolyn Litowich
Farenthold: Uncharted course
four floor mikes almost as soon as the
state delegations assembled in the Rice
Hotel's grand ballroom. Republicans were
enraged by the boos and groans that
greeted the reading of a Presidential
telegram and by Bella Abzug's attack on
the Administration's social legislation. A
pitched battle developed on the floor be-
tween big and small states over who
would control the national organization,
the 1974 convention, and finally the elec-
tion of a new chairwoman. There was
haggling into the night over whether to
allow the formation of separate special-
interest caucuses and still more bickering
over the issue of male membership. The
indomitable Bella chugged to the podi-
um several times to ram the proceedings
forward, peering out over her glasses and
announcing flatly: "You wanted Roberts
rules of order; you're gonna get Roberts
rules of order." And late in the night,
Betty Friedan pleaded into the din:
"We have created this vital, beautiful
political force. We cannot do this!"
Too Much: In the end, they heeded
her call. Nobody walked out. The Re-
publican caucus resolved to support a
broad range of women's issues subscribed
to by most of those present. The critical
issue of organizational structure was
hashed out, and the caucus raised enough
money in Houston, said staff member
Doris Meissner, to wipe out nearly all of
an $18,000 debt that included salaries
owed to staffers since last April. Finally,
the convention drafted as its new chair-
woman Texas's own Frances (Sissy)
Farenthold, former state representative,
1972 gubernatorial candidate and an
also-ran for the Democratic Vice Presi-
dential nomination. "I've lived through
too much not to take up this challenge,"
she said. "In 1968 I had to run in Texas
as a non-woman. In 1972, I could run
just as a person
It's an uncharted
"
course."
32
Her job will indeed be a challenge.
NATIONAL AFFAIRS
For the political viability of this conten-
tious "multi-partisan" organization is yet
to be proved. Party organizers outside
the NWPC believe it may well be a
valuable training ground and troop mo-
bilizer for those women who move onto
the front lines of party politics, but some
suspect that it may prove a much less
effective legislative lobby. The test, in
any case, is not far off; Bella Abzug
and others are preparing a whole pack-
age of women's legislation, including
bills to end discrimination in employ-
ment, credit and housing, to extend
social security coverage to housewives,
and to replace an earlier day-care bill-
one that was vetoed by Mr. Nixon. The
women of the caucus must now talk
effectively not to each other, but to
Congress and the President.
Gay Power
The time is probably not at hand when
Chicago's Mayor Richard J. Daley will
don black tie and glad rags and hie him-
self off to an annual dinner of the Chi-
cago Gay Alliance-just another politician
seeking votes among just another group
of citizens. Nor has Richard Nixon yet
expressed his hopes for a brighter future
for America's homosexuals. But in recent
years, in the backwash of political organi-
zational efforts by migrant workers, wel-
fare mothers and other once formless and
powerless groups, the nation's homosex-
uals have begun taking a few assertive
steps of their own-and finding to their
not inconsiderable surprise that the poli-
ticians can be made to pay attention.
Hesitant, fragmented and unsure even
of their numbers, homosexuals are still
measuring their progress mostly by sym-
bol and gesture-and not even measuring
many of those outside the major cities
and college campuses on both seacoasts.
But in the Northeastern states, a
few intrepid legislators have be-
gun meeting-for the most part
covertly-with gay activists seek-
ing repeal of ancient sodomy stat-
utes (still on the books in 43
states) and protection under
equal-rights laws covering hous-
ing, jobs and child custody. In
Boston earlier this month, fresh-
man State Rep. Barney Frank
caused a small sensation when he
told his colleagues that he had
routinely used gays as campaign
workers last year, among ordinary
citizens as well as among other
homosexuals-"and as all of you
know, campaigning is a peculiarly
personal kind of thing."
Gay power is strongest in San
Francisco and Los Angeles, where
politicians for the past four years
have been paying increasing heed
to the bloc's voting strength. Rich-
ard Hongisto, sheriff of San Fran-
cisco, openly thanked the city's
75,000 homosexuals for his vic-
tory margin two years ago, and
former State Speaker Jess Unruh
has promised to back the issue of ho-
mosexual rights in the legislature and
around the state, "except where it would
absolutely destroy me politically."
Unruh's caution is no greater than any
other politician's over such an issue. New
York's liberal Mayor John Lindsay has
still not met openly with gay-power
groups, though he signed an order for-
bidding discrimination in civil-service
jobs; the City Council has twice failed to
report out a bill forbidding discrimina-
tion against gays, though there are hopes
for it this spring. Ohio recently repealed
its solicitation ban-for most citizens,
but not for homosexuals. Even in Cali-
fornia, the state legislature has refused
to remove homosexuality's criminal stig-
ma. Said GOP Assemblyman Bob Wood
of Monterey: "I just don't want them
teaching in the public schools."
As a political movement, gay power is
still primarily a local phenomenon-and
often a splintered phenomenon, with five
or six homophile groups competing for
attention and prestige. Victories there-
fore tend to be equally local and splin-
tered, such as a Federal court order in
Oregon forbidding dismissal of teachers
merely because they are homosexual, or
a taxi board decision in New York al-
lowing gays to drive cabs without a spe-
cial medical certification of sanity. Some
few homosexuals, including five dele-
gates to last year's National Democratic
Convention, have openly run for office
themselves, but for now the movement
would seem happy just to be recognized
as a legitimate voter group. "All this gay
political activity had really started in
1970," said a homosexual leader after
Barney Frank's testimony to a Massa-
chusetts legislative committee. "The real
new thing was for somebody to come
forward on his convictions and carry
them right through to the legislature."
SUPPORT THE
Clingan-Burder
Scholnick
BD.cf ED.
YIELD
TO
Gay Rights
Howard Petrick-Nancy Palmer
Gay picket line: The pols are watching
o Newsweek, February 26, 1973
---
Carolyn Litowich
Farenthold: Uncharted course
four floor mikes almost as soon as the
state delegations assembled in the Rice
Hotel's grand ballroom. Republicans were
enraged by the boos and groans that
greeted the reading of a Presidential
telegram and by Bella Abzug's attack on
the Administration's social legislation. A
pitched battle developed on the floor be-
tween big and small states over who
would control the national organization,
the 1974 convention, and finally the elec-
tion of a new chairwoman. There was
haggling into the night over whether to
allow the formation of separate special-
interest caucuses and still more bickering
over the issue of male membership. The
indomitable Bella chugged to the podi-
um several times to ram the proceedings
forward, peering out over her glasses and
announcing flatly: "You wanted Roberts
rules of order; you're gonna get Roberts
rules of order." And late in the night,
Betty Friedan pleaded into the din:
"We have created this vital, beautiful
political force. We cannot do this!"
Too Much: In the end, they heeded
her call. Nobody walked out. The Re-
publican caucus resolved to support a
broad range of women's issues subscribed
to by most of those present. The critical
issue of organizational structure was
hashed out, and the caucus raised enough
money in Houston, said staff member
Doris Meissner, to wipe out nearly all of
an $18,000 debt that included salaries
owed to staffers since last April. Finally,
the convention drafted as its new chair-
woman Texas's own Frances (Sissy)
Farenthold, former state representative,
1972 gubernatorial candidate and an
also-ran for the Democratic Vice Presi-
dential nomination. "I've lived through
too much not to take up this challenge,"
she said. "In 1968 I had to run in Texas
as a non-woman. In 1972, I could run
just as a person
It's an uncharted
course."
32
Her job will indeed be a challenge.
NATIONAL AFFAIRS
For the political viability of this conten-
tious "multi-partisan" organization is yet
to be proved. Party organizers outside
the NWPC believe it may well be a
valuable training ground and troop mo-
bilizer for those women who move onto
the front lines of party politics, but some
suspect that it may prove a much less
effective legislative lobby. The test, in
any case, is not far off; Bella Abzug
and others are preparing a whole pack-
age of women's legislation, including
bills to end discrimination in employ-
ment, credit and housing, to extend
social security coverage to housewives,
and to replace an earlier day-care bill-
one that was vetoed by Mr. Nixon. The
women of the caucus must now talk
effectively not to each other, but to
Congress and the President.
Gay Power
The time is probably not at hand when
Chicago's Mayor Richard J. Daley will
don black tie and glad rags and hie him-
self off to an annual dinner of the Chi-
cago Gay Alliance-just another politician
seeking votes among just another group
of citizens. Nor has Richard Nixon yet
expressed his hopes for a brighter future
for America's homosexuals. But in recent
years, in the backwash of political organi-
zational efforts by migrant workers, wel-
fare mothers and other once formless and
powerless groups, the nation's homosex-
uals have begun taking a few assertive
steps of their own-and finding to their
not inconsiderable surprise that the poli-
ticians can be made to pay attention.
Hesitant, fragmented and unsure even
of their numbers, homosexuals are still
measuring their progress mostly by sym-
bol and gesture-and not even measuring
many of those outside the major cities
and college campuses on both seacoasts.
But in the Northeastern states, a
few intrepid legislators have be-
gun meeting-for the most part
covertly-with gay activists seek-
ing repeal of ancient sodomy stat-
utes (still on the books in 43
states) and protection under
equal-rights laws covering hous-
ing, jobs and child custody. In
Boston earlier this month, fresh-
man State Rep. Barney Frank
caused a small sensation when he
told his colleagues that he had
routinely used gays as campaign
workers last year, among ordinary
citizens as well as among other
homosexuals-"and as all of you
know, campaigning is a peculiarly
personal kind of thing."
Gay power is strongest in San
Francisco and Los Angeles, where
politicians for the past four years
have been paying increasing heed
to the bloc's voting strength. Rich-
ard Hongisto, sheriff of San Fran-
cisco, openly thanked the city's
75,000 homosexuals for his vic-
tory margin two years ago, and
former State Speaker Jess Unruh
has promised to back the issue of ho-
mosexual rights in the legislature and
around the state, "except where it would
absolutely destroy me politically."
Unruh's caution is no greater than any
other politician's over such an issue. New
York's liberal Mayor John Lindsay has
still not met openly with gay-power
groups, though he signed an order for-
bidding discrimination in civil-service
jobs; the City Council has twice failed to
report out a bill forbidding discrimina-
tion against gays, though there are hopes
for it this spring. Ohio recently repealed
its solicitation ban-for most citizens,
but not for homosexuals. Even in Cali-
fornia, the state legislature has refused
to remove homosexuality's criminal stig-
ma. Said GOP Assemblyman Bob Wood
of Monterey: "I just don't want them
teaching in the public schools."
As a political movement, gay power is
still primarily a local phenomenon-and
often a splintered phenomenon, with five
or six homophile groups competing for
attention and prestige. Victories there-
fore tend to be equally local and splin-
tered, such as a Federal court order in
Oregon forbidding dismissal of teachers
merely because they are homosexual, or
a taxi board decision in New York al-
lowing gays to drive cabs without a spe-
cial medical certification of sanity. Some
few homosexuals, including five dele-
gates to last year's National Democratic
Convention, have openly run for office
themselves, but for now the movement
would seem happy just to be recognized
as a legitimate voter group.
"All this gay
political activity had really started in
1970," said a homosexual leader after
Barney Frank's testimony to a Massa-
chusetts legislative committee. "The real
new thing was for somebody to come
forward on his convictions and carry
them right through to the legislature."
SUPPORT THE
Clingan-Burder
Scholnick
BD. of ED.
YIELD
TO
Gay Rights
Howard Petrick-Nancy Palmer
Gay picket line: The pols are watching
о
Newsweek, February 26, 1973
---
9
C
Carolyn Litowich
Farenthold: Uncharted course
four floor mikes almost as soon as the
state delegations assembled in the Rice
Hotel's grand ballroom. Republicans were
enraged by the boos and groans that
greeted the reading of a Presidential
telegram and by Bella Abzug's attack on
the Administration's social legislation. A
pitched battle developed on the floor be-
tween big and small states over who
would control the national organization,
the 1974 convention, and finally the elec-
tion of a new chairwoman. There was
haggling into the night over whether to
allow the formation of separate special-
interest caucuses and still more bickering
over the issue of male membership. The
indomitable Bella chugged to the podi-
um several times to ram the proceedings
forward, peering out over her glasses and
announcing flatly: "You wanted Roberts
rules of order; you're gonna get Roberts
rules of order." And late in the night,
Betty Friedan pleaded into the din:
"We have created this vital, beautiful
political force. We cannot do this!"
Too Much: In the end, they heeded
her call. Nobody walked out. The Re-
publican caucus resolved to support a
broad range of women's issues subscribed
to by most of those present. The critical
issue of organizational structure was
hashed out, and the caucus raised enough
money in Houston, said staff member
Doris Meissner, to wipe out nearly all of
an $18,000 debt that included salaries
owed to staffers since last April. Finally,
the convention drafted as its new chair-
woman Texas's own Frances (Sissy)
Farenthold, former state representative,
1972 gubernatorial candidate and an
also-ran for the Democratic Vice Presi-
dential nomination. "I've lived through
too much not to take up this challenge,"
she said. "In 1968 I had to run in Texas
as a non-woman. In 1972, I could run
just as a person
It's an uncharted
course."
32
Her job will indeed be a challenge.
NATIONAL AFFAIRS
For the political viability of this conten-
tious "multi-partisan" organization is yet
to be proved. Party organizers outside
the NWPC believe it may well be a
valuable training ground and troop mo-
bilizer for those women who move onto
the front lines of party politics, but some
suspect that it may prove a much less
effective legislative lobby. The test, in
any case, is not far off; Bella Abzug
and others are preparing a whole pack-
age of women's legislation, including
bills to end discrimination in employ-
ment, credit and housing, to extend
social security coverage to housewives,
and to replace an earlier day-care bill-
one that was vetoed by Mr. Nixon. The
women of the caucus must now talk
effectively not to each other, but to
Congress and the President.
Gay Power
The time is probably not at hand when
Chicago's Mayor Richard J. Daley will
don black tie and glad rags and hie him-
self off to an annual dinner of the Chi-
cago Gay Alliance-just another politician
seeking votes among just another group
of citizens. Nor has Richard Nixon yet
expressed his hopes for a brighter future
for America's homosexuals. But in recent
years, in the backwash of political organi-
zational efforts by migrant workers, wel-
fare mothers and other once formless and
powerless groups, the nation's homosex-
uals have begun taking a few assertive
steps of their own-and finding to their
not inconsiderable surprise that the poli-
ticians can be made to pay attention.
Hesitant, fragmented and unsure even
of their numbers, homosexuals are still
measuring their progress mostly by sym-
bol and gesture-and not even measuring
many of those outside the major cities
and college campuses on both seacoasts.
But in the Northeastern states, a
few intrepid legislators have be-
gun meeting-for the most part
covertly-with gay activists seek-
ing repeal of ancient sodomy stat-
utes (still on the books in 43
states) and protection under
equal-rights laws covering hous-
ing, jobs and child custody. In
Boston earlier this month, fresh-
man State Rep. Barney Frank
caused a small sensation when he
told his colleagues that he had
routinely used gays as campaign
workers last year, among ordinary
citizens as well as among other
homosexuals-"and as all of you
know, campaigning is a peculiarly
personal kind of thing."
Gay power is strongest in San
Francisco and Los Angeles, where
politicians for the past four years
have been paying increasing heed
to the bloc's voting strength. Rich-
ard Hongisto, sheriff of San Fran-
cisco, openly thanked the city's
75,000 homosexuals for his vic-
tory margin two years ago, and
former State Speaker Jess Unruh
has promised to back the issue of ho-
mosexual rights in the legislature and
around the state, "except where it would
absolutely destroy me politically."
Unruh's caution is no greater than any
other politician's over such an issue. New
York's liberal Mayor John Lindsay has
still not met openly with gay-power
groups, though he signed an order for-
bidding discrimination in civil-service
jobs; the City Council has twice failed to
report out a bill forbidding discrimina-
tion against gays, though there are hopes
for it this spring. Ohio recently repealed
its solicitation ban-for most citizens,
but not for homosexuals. Even in Cali-
fornia, the state legislature has refused
to remove homosexuality's criminal stig-
ma. Said GOP Assemblyman Bob Wood
of Monterey: "I just don't want them
teaching in the public schools."
As a political movement, gay power is
still primarily a local phenomenon-and
often a splintered phenomenon, with five
or six homophile groups competing for
attention and prestige. Victories there-
fore tend to be equally local and splin-
tered, such as a Federal court order in
Oregon forbidding dismissal of teachers
merely because they are homosexual, or
a taxi board decision in New York al-
lowing gays to drive cabs without a spe-
cial medical certification of sanity. Some
few homosexuals, including five dele-
gates to last year's National Democratic
Convention, have openly run for office
themselves, but for now the movement
would seem happy just to be recognized
as a legitimate voter group. "All this gay
political activity had really started in
1970," said a homosexual leader after
Barney Frank's testimony to a Massa-
chusetts legislative committee. "The real
new thing was for somebody to come
forward on his convictions and carry
them right through to the legislature."
SUPPORT THE
Clingan-Burder
Scholnick BULL
BD. of ED.
YIELD
TO
Gay Rights?
Howard Petrick-Nancy Palmer
Gay picket line: The pols are watching
0
Newsweek, February 26, 1973
---
NEW YORK MATTACHINE-- 59 CHRISTOPHER STREET, NEW YORK, N. Y. 691-1066
JULY 12, 1972
PRESS RELEASE
GAYS PROTEST CONVENTION LIES
The following telegram was sent today at 10:15 A.M. to Senator George
McGovern and his staff, and all major media reporters in Miami Beach:
On behalf of 20 million homosexuals in America we insist on an
apology for the spurious comments made by delegate Kathleen
Wilch in the rebuttal by the Democratic National Convention
Platform Committee of the homosexual minority plank presentation.
Miss Wilch's statements were a tissue of lies and an attempt to
refute them was even made on the floor by the New Jersey delega-
tion. Although the chair denied that delegation an opportunity
to speak, the obvious falsehoods and almost slanderous indictments
of homosexuals everywhere were clearly heard and exposed as such
on national television.
The allegations made by this representative of the Democratic
Party were unfair, misleading, and severely damaging to the efforts
toward civil rights and anti-discrimination legislation sought by
all homosexuals.
There is no room in America or American politics for expedient lies,
especially when those lies denigrate the life style of millions of
your potential electors. Homosexuals are not child molesters,
prostitutes, pimps, panderers or violators of the Mann Act any more
than heterosexuals are, despite the lies Miss Wilch told the
American people and the Democratic Convention.
Despite our disappointment at the Convention's decision, however
outrageously wrongly they were advised, to deny our bid for dignity
and human rights, we are determined to act with pride and decency.
We trust you will do the same and repudiate the ill-advised words
Miss Wilch spoke to the nation you seek to lead.
/s/ Don Goodwin
Pres: New York Mattachine
Spokesperson New York State
/s/ Rich Wandel
Pres: New York GAA
Gay Activists Alliance
Coalition of Gay Organizations
Copies have been sent to:
Yvonne Burke
-
Co-chairmen of the Platform Committee
Richard Neustadt
Chairpeople of N. Y. State Delegation
Mayer John Lindsay
Lawrence O'Brien
For further information contact: John Hood 242-6297
---
4 San Francisco Chronicle
Fri., Sept. 7, 1973.
YSKASAV
16LOANS
The Tenderloin 'queens' demonstrated outside the Hotel Hyland on Taylor street
Drag Queens Protest
Tenderloin Housing Pinch
By Maitland Zane
A dozen drag queens
and their sympathizers
picketed a Tenderloin
hotel yesterday to protest
alleged police harassment
and "housing discrimina-
tion" directed at "TVs and
TS's"-transvestites and
and transsexuals.
The mid-day demonstra-
tion at the Hotel Hyland at
111 Taylor street was led by
a controversial gay activist,
the Rev. Ray Broshears.
An influx of old people dis-
placed by the Yerba Buena
Center project is "drying
up" the housing supply for
men who affect women's
clothes or who are having
sex change operations, he
said.
RBSULT
The result is that many
drag queens have either left
the shabby district or are
bunched up in the few
perhaps -Tenderloin flea-
bagst hat still accept them.
One demonstrator, Mich-
ele, said he was one of 33
drag queens evicted from
the Hyland after the lease
changed hands on August 1.
Michele is about 60 years old
and a welfare recipient. He
says hen ow lives in another
Tenderloin hotel.
"Mike, the guy who took
over the lease, told us to
clean the hotel up," said
Workmen.
A large number of "unde-
sirables" were asked to
leave last month "because
of their actions and their
talk and the persons they
came in with," he said.
Most of the residents are
now "seniors" and welfare
cases.
TRICKS
he
Workman claimed
wasn't prejudiced against
homosexuals, but did object
to drag queens bringing
home tricks (customers) at
all hours of the day and
night.
"I would allow them in the
hotel as long as they would
themselves," he
behave
said.
The hotel's new lease-
holder, Mike, declined to
give his last name.
female whores," he said.
"At the suggestion of the po-
licemen on the beat I asked
that certain people be re-
moved from the premises.
These were people with re-
cords as long as your arm.
They would bring drunks in,
beat them up and take their
money.'
Broshears, runs a counsel-
ing service for drag queens
called Helping Hands, a cou-
ple of blocks away at 225
Turk street.
He estimated there are at
least 210 transsexuals and
"I would never allow any 400 transvestites living in
prostitution in the building, the Tenderloin.
either homosexual whores or
---
THE CHICAGO STRATEGY SESSION FOR
THE 1972 ELECTIONS
Armitage Avenue Methodist Church, February 12-13, 1972
OFFICIAL MINUTES
Prepared by Steve Hoglund, Washington, D.C., Secretary, and Tom Koberstein,
Minneapolis, Secretary Sanetary
[NOTE: Comments should be addressed to Steve Hoglund, 1703 Harvard, N, Washington DC.]
A. SUDARY
INCLUDING RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED
More than 100 delegates, presenting gay organizations from coast to coast, met
in Chicago, February 12-13, to discuss ways in which gays could publicize gay demands,
and bring about some of them, through the electoral campaigns of 1972. urt
The Chicago Strategy Session was co-hosted by the Chicago and New York Gay Acti-
vist Alliances. During the Session, several rebellions took place against the alleged
East Coast axis which was said to control the Session.
0
The Chicago conclave was arranged at the behest of groups meeting in Madison,
Wisconsin a few months earlier, who felt the time was ripe for a national political
meeting of gay activists. At the Madison convention, delegates urged that local disputes
between and among gay organizations be subordinated to unified political activity
against the common oppressor: straight society.
14 Chicago was selected as the site for the first national gay political convention,
due to its centrality for interested gay groups.
At the Chicago Strategy Session, delegates passed a motion introduced by Guy Charles
(representing the Los Angeles ADVOCATE) that designated San Diego and Washington, D.C.,
regional headquarters" to plan further strategy for coordinating a "gay presence" at
the Republican and Democratic National Conventions, respectively.
as
[It was subsequently arranged that a committee of the Washington, D.C. GAA, desig-
- Democratic Convention":
nated the "National Coalition of Gay Organizations (NCGO)
would host a national planning convention May 5-7 in Washington, D.C., to which all inter-
ested gay groups were invited.]
On Saturday, the delegates at the Chicago Strategy Session passed the following re-
solutions:
(1)
"At this time, the National Gay Conference on Election Strategy shall endorse
no candidate for political office
(2) "That a telegram be sent to Lawrence O'Brien, Chairman of the Democratic Na
tional Committee," which read as follows: 'A nationally-representative conference of Gay
organizations, meeting in Chicago, February 12, 1972, voted to inform the Democratic
National Committee. that every State delegation to the Democratic Convention in Miami
Beach which does not contain declared homosexuals accounting for 10% of the membership of
beach State's delegation will be challenged under all applicable laws, regulations and
procedures including a challenge in the Federal courts.
'
(3) "This Convention supports a demonstration at the Republican National Convention
in San Diego and effective installation of delegates at the Democratic Convention in Miami.
(4) "That the Chicago Strategy Session endorse legal measures against the States of
New York, Illinois, California, Ohio, Minnesota, and Texas, if the delegations of these
States to the Democratic Convention do not contain at least 10% gay representation.
(5) That the Chicago Conference support street actions by gay people in Miami." I
(6) "That all substantive motions of the conference be transmitted to the media
tonight.
ft.
(6) "That the conference devote
30 minutes to discussion of guidelines for
possible future endorsement [of candidates]; that at the end of the discussion, the matter
of developing guidelines, in the form of basic gay issues, be referred to a committee."
"
(7) That a telegram be sent to all political parties holding national conventions
in 1972, as follows,. 'A nationally-representative conference of gay organizations, meeting
in Chicago on February 12, 1972, voted to inform both the Democratic and Republican na-
tional parties that every delegation to the national conventions to be held in Miami and
San Diego which does not contain within its membership at least 10% declared homosexuals
(the percentage of the general populace, everywhere) will be challenged under all applica
ble laws regulations, and procedures, and will take the matter to the courts if necessary.
2
below.
1
The six business resolutions adopted on Sunda, are listed at the top of page 11,
936
---
CHICAGO STRATEGY SESSION FOR THE 1972 ELECTIONS
Page 2
On Sunday, the delegates to the Chicago Strategy Session adopted the following "Gay
Rights Platform in the United States," by a recorded vote of 38 to 7, with one abstention:
*
"Millions of Gay women and men in this country are subject to severe social, economic,
psychological and legal oppression because of their sexual orientation.
"We affirm the right of all persons to define and express their own sensibility, emo-
tionality and sexuality, and to choose their own lifestyle, so long as they do not infringe
upon the rights of others. We pledge an end to all social, economic and legal oppression
of Gay women and men.
We demand the repeal of all laus forbidding voluntary sex acts involving consenting
persons in private.
"Laws prohibiting loitering for the purpose of soliciting for a homosexual liaison are
vague and unconstitutional. Nevertheless, they are frequently used as the legal cover for
police entrapment of Gay women and men.
We demand the repeal of all laws prohibiting solicitation for a voluntary private
sexual liaison.
"Prejudice and myth have led to widespread discrimination against Gay women and men.
We demand the enactment of civil rights legislation which will prohibit discrimina
tion because of sexual orientation in employment, housing, public accomodations and pub-
lic services.
FEDERAL:
DEMANDS:
1. Amend all federal Civil Rights Acts, other legislation and government controls, to
prohibit discrimination in employment, housing, public accomodations and public services,
because of one's sexual orientation.
2.
"Issuance by the President of an executive order prohibiting the military from ex-
cluding for reasons of their sexual orientation persons who of their own volition desire
entrance into the Armed Services; and from issuing less-than-fully-honorable discharges
for homosexuality; and the upgrading to fully honorable all such discharges previously
issued, with retroactive benefits.
3.
"Issuance by the President of an executive order prohibiting discrimination in the
federal civil service because of sexual orientation, in hiring and promoting and pro-
hibiting discriminations against Cay women and men.
4.
5.
"Elimination of tax inequities victimizing single persons and same- ex couples.
"Elimination of bars to the entry, immigration and naturalization of Gay aliens.
6. "Federal encouragement and support for sex education courses, prepared and taught by
qualified Gay women and men, presenting homosexuality as a valid, healthy preference,
lifestyle, and as a viable alternative to heterosexuality.
7%
"Appropriate executive orders, regulations and legislation banning the compiling,
maintenance and dissemination of information on an individual's sexual preferences, be-
havior and social and political activities for dossiers and data banks, and ordering
the immediate destruction of all such data.
8.
Federal funding of aid projects for social and political activities of Gay women's
and men's organizations designed to alleviate the problems encountered by Gay women and
men which are engendered by an oppressive sexist society.
9.
"Immediate release of all Gay women and men now incarcerated in detention centers,
prisons and mental institutions because of sexual offense charges relating to victimless
crimes or sexual orientation and that adequate compensation be made for the physical and
mental duress encountered and that all existing records relating to the incarceration
be immediately expunged.
STATE:
1. All federal legislation and programs enumerated in Demands 1, 4, 6, 7, 8, and 9,
above should be implemented at the State level wherever applicable.
sons
2. Repeal of all State laws prohibiting private sexual acts involving consenting per-
equalization for homosexuals and heterosexuals for enforcement of all laws.
"Repeal of all State laws prohibiting solicitation for private voluntary sexual liai-
sons and laws prohibiting prostitution, both male and female.
3.
4.
for
"Enactment of legislation prohibiting insurance companies and other State-regulated
enterprises from discriminating because of sexual orientation, in insurance and in bonding
or any other prerequisite to employment or control of one's personal demesne.
5.
Enactment of legislation so that child custody, adoption, visitation rights, fos-
ter parenthood and the like shall not be denied because of sexual orientation or mari-
tal status,
6.
7.
Repeal of all laws prohibiting transvestism and cross dressing.
"Repeal of all laws governing the age of sexual consent.
8. epeal of all legislative provisions that restrict the sex or number of persons
entering into a marriage unit and extension of legal benefits of marriage to all per-
sons who cohabit, regardless of sex or numbers.
* Debate on the provisions, plus a minority statement, are contained in later pages.
---
CHICAGO STRATEGY SESSION FOR THE 1972 ELECTIONS
PAGE 3
B. THE SATURDAY SESSION: AGENDA & DISCUSSION
The following agenda, suggested by the Chicago Gay Alliance and the New York Gay
Activists Alliance, shaped the discussions on Saturday:
9:00 a.. 12:00 Noon:
12 30 1:30 p.m..
1:30 - 6:30 p.m..
1. Discussion and adoption of Agenda.
2. Confronting candidates [included address by Dr. Spock].
3. Legislation: Local: State: Federal.
4. Endorsing Candidates
LUNCH
[Actual time to be determined by the delegates]
1. National Conventions
A. Which Gay groups will coordinate which conventions.
B. Platforms:
(1) Hearings: State and Federal.
(2) Minority roles.
C. Getting delegates elected and/or appointed:
(1) Running Gay candidates.
(2) Party rules in different States.
D. Protests and Demonstrations.
2. Media coverage and usage.
3. Open forum for any and all topics.
John Abney was
Steven Hoglund (Washing
John Abney (Chicago Gay Alliance) opened the morning session at 9:30 a.m., by call-
ing for election of a temporary chairman and secretary for the morning.
nominated as temporary chairman and elected by unanimous vote.
ton, D.C.) volunteered to serve as secretary and was appointed by Abney with the acclama-
tion of the delegates.
The Agenda was adopted by unanimous vote, with two additions (in brackets, above).
Welcoming delegates to the Strategy Session, Abney spoke of the genesis for the
meeting: at an earlier conference in Madison, Wisconsin, delegates deemed the time ripe
for a national political meeting of gay activists, that local disputes between and within
gay groups had to be subordinated for the sake of unified action against the common op-
straight society. Chicago was selected as the site of a planning conference
pressor,
for late winter, and Washington was envisaged as the site of a subsequent convention,
organized more thoroughly, to be held in mid-spring.
Abney then introduced Rich Wandel (New York Gay Activists Alliance) as co-host of
the Strategy Session. Wandel related the efforts of New York GAA to further gay demands
A "Questionnaire for Prominent Political Figures
during the 1972 political campaigns.
was prepared and presented personally to leading candidates or their Washington staffs.
The questionnaire listed 13 gay demands and called for a 'yes' or 'no' indication of sup-
port for each one. [A copy of the questionnaire is incorporated, en toto, at the end
of these minutes.]
Only two active Presidential candidates, Eugene McCarthy and Benjamin Spock, res-
Shirley Chisholm, who had
ponded immediately, supporting all 13 demands, Wandel said.
previously gone on record in support of gay rights, seemed to stall in returning the com-
pleted questionnaire. Yet she had responded to a question in Buffalo, put forward by a
member of the Mattachine Society there, with extended strong remarks in support of gay
civil rights. [At the close of the afternoon session, delegates heard a tape recording
of those remarks, and applauded wildly. But a New York delegate pointed out that Chis-
holm's campaign manager a member of the New York City Council, had been among those who
voted down Intro 475, a bill designed to accord rights in housing and employment to gays
in New York City.]
except for 'no'
Paul McCloskey's response had been, on the whole, satisfactory
George McGovern, Wandel
answers to questions 10 and 13, relating to the Armed Forces.
continued, initially supported Intro 475, through a statement made by one of his campaign
"Wandel noted, but signed not
aides. The questionnaire was returned with "good answers,
Subsequently, aides retracted sup-
by the Senator, but by an aide in a covering letter.
in a "bland statement," hey pointed out
port for the gay demands in the questionnaire:
More recently, however, at a
that McGovern's name did not appear on the questionnaire.
New York State Convention, called to endorse the McGovern candidacy, gay pressure did
elicit a strong statement from his headquarters on behalf of gay civil rights.
Huburt Humphrey and Vance Hartke have so far refused to respond to any questions
Edmund Muskie likewise refuses any comments what-
about gay rights, Wandel indicated.
Privately, Muskie seems utterly bewildered by gay political activity, Wandel sur-
mised, and remains sheltered by his aides from witnessing it.
ever.
Wandel spoke at length about John Lindsay, citing the varied methods by which the
support.
New York GAA has sought to force Lindsay'
[NOTE: These methods were later dis--
cussed as guidelines for other gay groups seeking to publicize and promote gay rights
during 1972. At first, Wandel said, Lindsay had refused to answer any questions about
gay issues.
So GAA zapped the mayor several times, embarrassing him publicly... Note-
worthy among these 'zaps was a $100-a-plate testimonial dinner, to which 6000 persons
had been invited, here a half dozen gays disrupted the occasion with loud questions of
the mayor.
A few wealthy 'closet' gays had purchased the tickets for the GAA 'zappers,
and Lindsay couldn' afford the repercussions of having them bodily removed.
Finally, Lindsay did come out in support of Intro 475, but did nothing to gain its
P
---
CHICAGO STRATEGY SESSION FOR THE 1972 ELECTIONS
PAGE 4
3
3
But Lind-
passage in the City Council. Yet after its defeat, Lindsay issued a Personnel Directive
ostensibly granting gays the same employment rights which Intro 475 sought.
say's Directive spoke of "private (sexual) acts," Wandel pointed out, making it a hollow
vistory for gays; no gay would be fired if he stayed in the closet, and kept his employ-
er unaware of his sexual activity. he Directive seemed designed to split the gay commu-
nity, Wandel charged, and in response GAA apped' Radio City Music Hall, staged a sit-
in in the mayor's office -- at one point chaining a woman member to Lindsay's desk.
effect of all these aps has been to make Lindsay run scared in his quest for the Demo-
cratic Presidential nomination, for he can count on similar gay pressure in all parts of
the country he visits, concluded Wandel.
T
P
The
Even candidates noted for their liberalism came out in sup port of gay rights only
after constant, consistent pressure had been applied by gays and gay groups, Wandel noted.
Chairman John Abney opened discussion to item 2 on the morning Agenda: "onfronting
Candidates." He called for general discussion on the question, How can gays most effec-
tively force candidates to speak out, on every occasion, on the topic of gay civil rights?
Morty Manford (Gay People at Columbia University) suggested that gays be informed of
positions of ALL the candidates, in order to select the best tactic to use when a parti-
cular candidate comes to a local gathering. The disparity between a candidate's general
position on civil rights and his view of gay demands should be highlighted.
Rich Wandel suggested that the delegates speak on ideology and tactics.
Jim Stavely (CAA Long Island) announced that his group would seek to embarrass by
any means candidates who appeared on Long Island.
Howard Langhorn (GAA Philadelphia) asked whether more than a mere picket line could
have effectively zapped Humphrey when he came to Philadelphia to campaign.
Mike McPherson (GAA New York) replied by citing some of the ways GAA had zapped Lind-
sey, emphasizing in particular its presence at the fund-raising dinner.
Rich Wandel elaborated: "The gay movement has the potential for being the most insi-
dious of all [movements]; we're everywhere." ven 'closet' ays can help, e suggested,
citing the six $100-a-plate tickets provided GAA members for zapping the Lindsay dinner.
On another occasion, gays infiltrated a journalism class visiting the mayor;
used a Queen's College Rally group as a "cover" for rushing into Lindsay's office.
sexist attitudes against candidates who hold them, Wandel concluded, citing the awkward-
ness of removing the woman GAA member who was locked to the mayor's desk.
ays also
Use
on the candidate
Morty Manford pointed out that gay activism has a two-fold effect:
and on other gays. Gays who are isolated may come to see, for the first time, the oppres-
sion under which they exist on a day to day basis. he media must be exploited to the
fullest extent,'
" he urged, stating that the impact on gays was every bit as important
as the effect on political candidates.
Steve Bell (GLF, San Diego) asked what contact had been made with GOP candidates.
Wandel replied that Nixon was too isolated by his staff to be reached; the one Agnew
zap' planned, t a Boy Scout gathering, did not come off.
Ernie Reaugh (Tri- ities GLF) urged the delegates to focus on one objective: making
gay rights a vid le issue whether that meant electing or defeating a particular candi-
date was not as important. Taking part in the political process, Reaugh argued, is just
a tactic used to raise and publicize gay rights. Accordingly, confrontations and 'zaps,'
favored by GAA New York, are but examples of a wide range of possible means to the objec-
tive. Let all candidates "see a gay presence" herever they campaign, he urged.....
Rich Wandel agreed, pointing out that it was still important to prod Spock and Mc-
Carthy with questions, even though both gave full support when questioned on gay rights.
Repeat the questions again and again and again, Wandel urged.
A delegate from the Gay People's Union in Milwaukee suggested that underground papers.
by and large sympathetic to gay rights, e used in heightening awareness of gay demands.
Another delegate complained that the straight media are unresponsive to gay issues and
questioned all delegates about what to do.
Guy Charles (L.A. Advocate) urged the groups in attendance to involve more and more
gays in their activities. The "hard core" simply isn't enough to carry off the type of
plans being formulated. He faulted the straight press for the lack of information about
the ongoing gay struggle, citing the biased coverage of the Intro 475 hearings: the press
reported only the negative arguments raised. Cultivate "media relations," Charles urged,
and work personally with people in the media. Help straights destroy their stereotypes,
realize the justice of gay demands. Keep pressuring the media to be responsive to news
of gay activities.
Mike McPherson seconded the preceding statements and gave an example of changing
attitudes caused by gay pressure. A woman member of the New York City Council initially
refused to support gay rights, claiming it wasn't her problem yet she had no trouble
dealing with Black rights. After constant intimidation and harrassment from gays, she
revered her position: now she'll put her name on anything dealing with gay rights.
McPherson closed with a plea that delegates focus on their local councils.
Ron Alheim (Tri-Cities GAA) urged gays to get to as many campgin speaking angege-
ments as possible, where candidates are apperring, and to insist on press coverage.
Morty Manford urged unanimity in purpose by all gays in the election campaigns.
Mike Christianson (Michigan State GLF) referred to a local ordinance now coming to
a vote in the Lansing City Council. Anyone in a community can introduce an ordinance, he
said, nd urged such a tactic to make more concrete the issue of gay civil rights. Don't
mere ly ask abstract questions of the straight community, he stressted, be specific!
---
91
CHICAGO STRATEGY SESSION FOR THE 19 72 ELECTIONS
PAGE 5
None did.]
At this point, Chairman Abney interrupted general debate so that Dr. Benjamin
Spock, Presidential Candidate of the People' Party, could address the delegates.
[Spock's address had been delayed in hopes that reporters would show up.
Abney called on Morris Kight (L.A. Gay Services Center), veteran gay activist, to for-
mally introduce Dr. Spock. Kicht sketched Spock's life of "consciousness-raising":
founding the "permissive society," in his role as a noted pediatrician; leading the li-
terati into the streets in oppsition to the Vietnam war and the Draft; taking up the
banner of the People's Party.
Dr. Spock' address focussed on the growth and goals of the People's Party, incor-
porating an appeal to the delegates, and gays in general, to join the Party for the sake
of furthering gay civil rights.
Spock freely admitted that his Party currently seeks not electoral success but
grass roots growth, by calling attention to specific issues in areas of the US where
there are no local parties under the umbrella of the national People's Party. He spelled
out the five planks of the Party: (1) Vietnam; (2) Sexism (here gay rights were includ-
ed); (3) Economic, (4) Health, 5) Education. He devoted the bulk of his speech to the
third plank, calling for the break-up of industries into neighborhood units controlled
by consumers and workers, as well as managers, and for production only of those goods
and services that directly contribute to "human welfare."
John Abney asked how the focus on neighborhood controls could benefit gays, nor
mally scattered throughout metropolitan areas. Spock had no idea other than urging
gays to join the Party and help write its programs.
Jeff Orth (GAA Columbus) asked what kinds of discussion gays would find within the
Party if they joined. Will gays have to fight the group first? Spock replied that
Party attitudes vary from locale to locale, conceding he couldn't answer the question.
A New Jersey gay delegate asked whether there was a People' Party in his State,
Another question
and one of Spock's campaign aides replied that one was in formation.
about the ballot status of the Party brought the answer that it would vary from State
to State: so far, the Party had succeeded in getting onto ballots in five States.
Jim Fourrat (Purple Star Tribe, New York) re-focussed Jeff Orth's earlier question:
Given the conditions gays face, is it right for them to work for a party whose basic
stance is heterosexual? Perhaps gays and straights are currently on two different
"class" levels and should stay apart politically. Besides, Fourrat continued, straights
..would be in the majority in any neighborhood where gays might participate.
Spock replied that he couldn't guarantee anything but offered two reasons why gays
could trust the People' Party: (1) The Party believes all people to be equally worthy
whence the notion of neighborhood organization, on a face-to-face basis (2) The Gay
Caucus is the largest single group within the Party.
Chuck Avery Executive Secretary of the People's Party, and hitherto active as a
gay in gay movements, added that many rays aren't correctly informed about the People's
Party. Ile said he left gay liberation for radical politics in order to bring more gays
out of the closet." "I'm beginning to wonder," Avery mused aloud, "whether there are
any straight people in the Party."
Asked about specific points of the Party platform, Spock referred to the leaflets
which had been available to the delegates. [For copies of programs and positions,
write: People's Party, 1404 M. St., N.W., Washington, D.C. 20005.]
Steve Hoglund (Washington, D.C.) asked Spock if his reference to "sexual inclina-
tion" signalled a wekening in his support for gay rights. Would Spock endorse "sexual
1 expression"
Spock said he would.
V
y gays as well?
Morty Manford, claiming it would be destructive to the gay community if Nixon were
re-elected, demanded reassurance from Spock that his Party would not, in effect, de-
prive the Democratic Party of a winning campaign.
Spock replied that the policies of the two major parties were virtually the same.
"If you're always voting for the lesser evil," he warned, "you 11 always be voting for
evil. Join us in trying to change the direction of the country before it's too late.
Would Spock raise gay issues all over the country, regardless of the audience?
asked Ron Alheim. Spock said yes. Ray West (Detroit Gay Activists) demanded more
-specific statements of support, and Chuck Lamont (Chicago Gay Alliance) asked if Spock
would support legislation affirming gay lifestyles, not merely negating anti-gay prac-
tices. Lamont proposed that Spock support gays as foster parents, for example.
He admitted that he had never consi-
Spock hesitated, earching for an answer.
dered the issue of gay foster parents and that his training had left him with the belief
In principle, he could support a gay as a
that a child needed a father AND a mother.
foster parent, though he would want to have a long personal talk with any gay who
sought to adopt a child.
Dr. Spock sat down to prolonged standing applause, following a brief period of
heckling from Jim Fourrat of the Purple Star Tribe, who accused Spock of being a
After
"politician" ike all the others in fielding questions from the delegates.
unanimously voting to continue discussions and postpose the lunch break, delegates de-
feated by a vote of 36-27 a motion by Jim Fourrat to discuss Spock's address and how it
had affected gay delegates.
Chairman Abney opened Agenda Item 3 for debate:
Federal."
"Legislation: Local: State;
---
CHICAGO STRATEGY SESSION FOR THE 1972 ELECTIONS
PAGE 6
Delegates spent much time arguing on the best way of discussing the topic. On a
voice vote the assembly voted down dispensing with parlimentary procedure in favor of an
unstructured rap session. Robert's Rules would still apply. After further argument, the
assembly passed a motion that there would be no exc lusion of tape recordings or reporters;
one delegate had urged such restrictions in order to preserve free speech and gay unity.
The Chair was asked whether the intent of the Agenda item was to discuss changing laws,
broadly speaking, or to focu on specific items of legislation. One delegate urged that
each level of government be considered separately, since gays faced different problems at
each one. A motion that methodology be considered in the discussion of legislation at each
level passed by a voice vote.
Morris Kight objected. Methodology was not useful for the L.A. contingent, since lo-
cal legislation was pre empted by State laws and since there were important administrative
procedures, not laws, which discriminated against gays.
Mike IcPherson said that GAA Long Island was opposed to federal legislation on gay
issues: it takes too long and wastes time. He conceded, though, that since 1972 is an
election year, now might be the mly time for action on such laws. Ile suggested that Sen.
Kennedy's staff was looking into the feasibility of co-sponsoring federal legislation.
Kight replied that there is no body of national law dealing with homosexuality as
an offense. National anti-gay discrimination is contained in administrative procedures,
such as the military codes, which require Congressional resolutions to amend.
Frank Kameny (Washington, D.C.) suggested how gays press for legislative changes.
Let legislators have time to study a particular issue, but set a time limit for them and
keep after them to meet it. If nothing happens, THEN use confrontation tactics.
it's time gays stop begging for crumbs from straight politicians. "It's time to get out
and get ourselves elected!" he demanded. Let' raise our own legislation. eanwhile,
when legislative hearings are held, he concluded, make damn sure you get to them.
But
AAwoman delegate (Student Homophile League, Farleigh Dickinson University, New Jersey)+
agreed with Kameny in principle, but argued that gays still don't have the calibre of peo-
ple to make successful politicians. Thus, gay tactics must, for now, center on presenta-
tion of legislation, plus the necessary related tactics to see that the legislation is passed.
Jim Fourrat agreed with Kameny but argued for a two-pronged approach: (1) violence
and (2) voting strength, noting that the second is possible only where gays cluster to--
gether in large urban ghettos.
V
Ernie Reaugh, replying to Kight's last remark, argued that gays can press for other
things before going after the sodomy laws.
Paul Kuntzler (GAA, Washington DC) pointed out that the 7-5 committee vote against
Intro 475 in New York should be counted a success not a failure: we lay the groundwork,
Just look
just by gettin five votes on our side, and the measure will eventually pass.
at the slow progress on civil rights legislation for Blacks, he suggested.
Alan Vick (Gay People's Alliance, GU, Washington, DC) argued that as few as 5 to 10
gays acting together could be more effective in publicizing gay oppression than several
dozen unorganized gays.
Ray West told how Detroit Gay Activists had found that Michigan's sodomy law hadn't bee
Accordingly,
been used against gays for over 30 years, except in cases of forcible rape.
17 he knife in
DGA is attacking the accosting and soliciting laws in Michigan, for they are
the throat of our community." confront the officials, West said, and they won't enforce
those laws.
Rich Wandel insisted that more follow through and preparation are needed, regardless
of which law, or level, is attacked. Even if most anti- ay laws are State statutes, t's
a good idea to press for an amendment in the federal civil rights law specifying removal
of discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. This helps "to put the cards on the
line" in terms of specific gay demands. Keep two points in mind, Wandel continued: (1) you
can't judge a politician by what he says, but only by what he does; (2) what they have done
for gays is not important, but what they are GOING to do. To give approval on the basis
of past action alone is to get enmeshed in the very system that is smothering us, Wandel
warned. We must act "semi-system" ven as we use the system to get what gays demand.
Leslie Brown (GPA Washington DC) refocussed the legislative issue to include the
problems foreigners face with immigration laws: homosexuals can be barred from citizen-
ship or, after gaining citizenship they can be deported.
Ron Alheim reminded the delegates that seven bills were being introduced in New York
and said he would send copies to delegates to help them frame similar bills in their areas.
The mere introduction of such bills poses a threat to legislators, who finally recognize"
"There are gays in the boonies too." Get gays to zap legislators from rural areas as
well as urban ones, Alheim urged, and have gays send individual hand-written letters.
At 1:05 p.m. time had run out for discussion of Agenda item 3, and the Chair adjourned
the meeting until after lunch. Most delegates gathered at the "5th Peg Club"
At 2:05 Chairman Abney reconvened the Session and asked the consent of the group to
passs the Chair to Rich Wandel, by pre-arrangement. A majority voted against this proposal,
and three names were added to Wandel's for the post. On the first ballot, the results
10. On the run-
were: Rich Wandel = 33 Annette Palaez = 13; Ray West = 6; Diane Gosier =
off ballot, Annette Palaez was elected, with 38 votes to Wandel's 33.
Chairman Palaez opened the nominations for secretary. Ron Alheim nominated Steve
Hoglund, who was re-elected by acclamation.
Running far behind schedule, the Session turned to Item 4: "Endorsing Candidates."
---
CHICAGO STRATEGY SESSION FOR THE 1972 FIFCTIONS
PACT 7
For several minutes, there was animated debate on the agenda item itself, with some
delegates objecting to any discussion of endorsement at all, and others questioning whether
the item meant Presidential candidates only, or all candidates for political office. Sev-
eral delegates indicated that the constitutions of their groups precluded them from endors-
ing anyone at the Session, for the groups themselves could not endorse. Chuck Avery ar
gued that the delerates were here as a group and their votes would not commit their groups
to any endorsement given. One delegate suggested that a subsequent gay conference might
be the proper place to endorse a Presidential candidate. Ron Alheim noted that the confer-
ence had not heard enough about all the candidates anyway and demanded that information on
candidates' programs be collected and circulated among gay groups. Morty Manford objected
to the whole discussion: e don know what a candidate would do in the future with our
endorsement. "They ove us, he argued. "We don't owe them.
OP
On a motion by Philip Rodriguez (GAA Philadelphia), the delegates adopted Resolution
1 [See above, page 1.] There was only one negative vote.
While avoiding endorsement, delegates sought to record their desire to confront poli-
tical candidates with gay issues. After some discussion, a motion was passed: "That the
conference devote the following 30 minutes to discussion of quidelines for possible future
endorsement of candidates that at the end of the discussion, the matter of developing
guidelines, in the form of basic gay issues, be referred to a committee.
Dahl Maryland (Gay Political Activists, Minneapolis) objected that the Strategy Ses-
sion had so far failed to do anything of substance.
Frank Kameny rose to provide some background on gay support of candidates in the past.
Some West Coast groups changed their constitutions so that they could endorse and actively
aid a candidate's campaign. When those candidates lost, however, gay groups who had made
endorsements were looked on as adversaries, causing severe problems in the aftermath.
Still, it was true that gay activism had elected some sympathetic candidates, such as the
current sheriff of San Francisco.
Rita Sanchez (City College, Chicago) spoke of her triple oppression female, gay.
and Plack and urged the delegates to distrust political parties and take to the streets.
Steve Bell (GLF, San Diego) countered the accepted notion of how endorsements worked.
After the San Diego GLF endorsed a local candidate, the other candidates came asking GLF
for support.
Endorsement does not necessarily restrict gay options it may, in fact, in
crease them and spread the message of gay demands.
Ernie Reaugh urged again that all discussion be related to the number one issue at
the Session, which he termed "to make gay rights a viable issue in this election year.
SV
Paul Kuntzler, a decade-long gay activist, spoke of the "incredible progress" made
in Washington DC. To him, the biggest issue was the changing composition of the Supreme
Court. To say that there was no difference between a GOP and a Democratic candidate is to
say "that there is no difference between a Harold Carswell and a Ramsey Clark."
Rich Wandel suggested that the question of endorsement turns on what gay goals are.
Would the result be
Endorsing someone makes you totalling part of the political game.
simply to replace one of them with one of us, he asked, and still be at the bottom of the
pile? Rather, gays stand for changing the structure of the society, so there is no bottom.
10 Ron Alheim pointed out how the McGovern Rules had opened up the Democratic Party to
possibilities for gay impact. GLF Tri Cities would be striving to get gay delegates to
local New York conventions, and to press the ACLU to take to court any delegations that did
not include a gay contingent of 10%, based on Kinsey estimates of the total gay population.
At Alhein's urging, the delegates adopted Resolution 2 [See above, page 1].
The
Alheim further spoke to the issue of nominating a gay candidate for President.
Democratic Convention Rules provide that a person may be placed in nomination provided that
"Why not raise the issue [of gay
he has the written support of at least 50 delegates.
rights] in every boob tube in the world?" Alheim proposed. "The world will note that gay
people are human beings." Nominating procedures, plus time for seconding speeches, would
provide sustained media coverage for 30 minutes or more, livening a boring convention.
Jim Fourrat agreed that it was important to run gay delegates but argued that the
most important issue was raising gay consciousness in individuals, so that when they vote,
the will vote "gay." Move at all levels, he advised, but realize that the most important
level in reaching hidden gays, is the streets. Make them see the oprression.
Fourrat asserted further, to a hushed assembly, that Rehnquist, while in the Justice
It
Department, had supervised the preparation of a report dealing with sexual minorities.
was to be used by the Administration, t some later date, to unite the silent (straight)
najority against gays used as "symbols of the decadence we are in."
Bob Jasper (GLF San Diego) objected that the delegates had been side-tracking the
entire question of endorsement.
Ray West rose to say that DGA had come up with several criteria for judging candi-
Which laws? (2) Would
ates ineluding: (1) Would they repeal anti-gay legislation?
they accord full civil rights to gays? What positive laws would they support to do so?
(3) Would they carry the issue of gay civil rights throughout their campaigns and speak to
it every time they made a speech?
John Abney, noting that he had been in the movement for 3 years, deplored the signs
In-
of ego- ripping and moral superiority which he saw in evidence among the delegates.
stead of hearing arguments that one way is right and the others wrong, he called upon dele-
gates to realize that they could do all kinds of things to promote gay rights...
It was now 3:35, and the discussion, as pre- rranged, came to an end..
---
CHICAGO STRATEGY SESSION FOR THE 1972 ELECTIONS
PAGE 8
For twenty five minutes, the Chair accepted nominations from the Floor for the com
mittee charged with drawing up the "Guidelines for Endorsement." Lengthy hassles over
the number, and composition, of the committee were finally resolved by a declaration of
the Chair. upon protest by several delegates, that the committee be entirely voluntary.
Members of a Black gay liberation group in Chicago, not registered at the Session, felt
they were being discriminated against by not being allowed to join in the discussions.
By acclamation, the delegates deemed them members in full standing and welcomed their par-
ticipation on the Floor and in committee.
ST
[Secretary's note: The informal committee met Saturday evening, at the headquarters
of the Chicago Gay Alliance, and drafted proposals for what became the "Gay Rights Plat-
form in the United States, as adopted by the Session on Sunday. See page 2, above.]
At 4 p.m., the Chairperson opened up discussion on Item 1 of the afternoon's Agenda:
"National Conventions. Delegates accepted Frank Kameny's suggestion that each of the four
sections under the heading be accorded 20 minutes of discussion.
"A.
Which Gay Groups will coordinate which conventions.
Steve Bell (GLF, San Diego) asked that delegates wishing to come to San Diego let his
group know so that all arrangements, including accomodations, ould be arranged.
Morris Kight spoke in favor of a gay confrontation of the Nixon Administration, in
San Diego. He suggested two measures: (1) a convention of minorities called to adopt a
freedom platform, if only to embarrass the GOP delegates (2) "Expose '72" in San Diego,
with gay lifers active in raising consciousness levels.
Jim Fourrat protested. "We should not be there [in San Diego] as part of any coali-
tion. We cannot allow ourselves to be used again."
Shifting the discussion to the Democratic Convention, Ron Alheim repeated his propo-
sal that delegations be taken to court if they are not representative of gays in their
States. At the least he urged, let there be a minority report at the Convention, so that
gays may be heard in protest of their lack of representation.
Presently the Chairperson, nder severe pressure from unfamiliar parliamentary pro-
cedures and suffering from an illness, relinquished the Chair to Rich Wandel.
Wandel spoke of the gay groups that had begun to spring up in the Miami area, but
warned that none was prepared to organize a gay presence at the Democratic Convention.
He suggested that groups in Washington DC supervise the planning for the Convention, as..
they were the nearest, best-organized to do so.
etc.
Morris Kight spoke of general campaign issues
ietnam, the draft, the economy,
and asked how gays should relate to the causes of other movements.
In reply, a Minneapolis delegate cited his one-issue group, Gay House, and urged that
the conference devote itself to just the issue of gay rights.
People's Party delegate Charles Avery objected, pointing out from his experience in
Los Angeles that separatism and one-issue campaigns had lost for gay candidates, as well
as for candidates sympathetic to gays. No single-issue group should dictate that issue to
the whole country. Sensing discontent among the delegates, Avery continued by noting that
the head of the Miami People's Party is gay, that the Party is applying for permits for all
groups, including gays, to demonstrate at the Democratic Convention.
Steve Bell noted the cooperation among gay groups in San Diego, aimed at a "conven-
tion coalition" n time for the GOP Convention.
Guy Charles noted that many organizations are one-issue groups, like it or not.
Miami is our most viable opportunity, perhaps the only one, to be on the inside and be seen.
Street support is fine, but Miami, unlike other cities, does not give gays the same chance
to be visible and effective in demonstrations. Charles asked that the group enact a reso-
lution supporting his idea, and the delegates passed Resolution 3 [See page 1, above],
with but one negative vote recorded.
1B. Platforms: (1) Hearings: State and Federal; (2) Minority Roles."
Frank Kameny pointed out that Washington DC gay groups were already working on items
B and C of the afternoon agenda. He reported on plans to run gay candidates in 3 of Wash-
ington' eight wards, through the Reform Democrats opposed to the Fauntroy slate. [Secre-
tary's note: The results in Washington: 3 delegates, 2 alternates elected to run on the
Reform Democratic slate for the Democratic Convention.]
Chuck Avery suggested that the platform most acceptable to gays was that of the
People's Party, oting the specific planks directed toward gay rights.
Jim McPherson urged delegates to find out how platform resolutions were developed
in the Democratic Party in their States. He spoke of hearings in New York State and of the
efforts of gays in New York to determine platform wording, including gay demands.
Ron Alheim announced the meeting of the New Democratic Coalition in New York City
February 26, bringing together delegates from nine East Coast States, plus D.C.
After some heated discussion, delegates voted 38-26 to instruct the committee already
authorized to develop guidelines for endorsement to draft a gay rights platform as well.
Phil Shaw (Kansas City Gay Alliance) urged the committee not to forget other oppressed
groups when drafting the platform.
After brief discussion, delegates passed Resolution 4 [See above, age 1]. Item
1C. was now under discussion: "Getting delegates elected and/or appointed."
17
Delegates then discussed wording of a telegram which would be sent to all parties
holding national conventions in 1972. Resolution 7 was duly passed [See above, page 1].
The Session then turned to Item D: "Protests and Demonstrations," and it was gen-
erally agreed that sufficient discussion had already been given to this topic.
---
CHICAGO STRATEGY SESSION FOR THE 1972 ELECTIONS
PAGE 9
Chuck Avery announced that the national Chairman of the People's Party had formally
invited a gay delegation to the People's Party Convention, which would probably be held
Such a delegation, he cautioned,
in Miami after the close of the Democratic Convention.
would have to be representative of gays, by region, all across the US.
David Spero (adison Tisconsin) moved that the Session support street actions by
During discussion on the
gay people in Miami (Resolution 5), and it was done unanimously.
motion, attention was focussed on the practicality of getting onto the isthmus and the
beach. One delegate pointed out that McCarthy and his supporters might walk out of the
Democratic Convention to set up a fourth party, and that gays should ready' their own tac-
tics to respond appropriately to such a move.
Delegates next discussed strategy for a gay demonstration in each convention city.
San Diego GLF offered to
What provisions would be made for arrests, bail bonds, etc.?
But the main point brought out was
provide parade and other permits wherever possible.
that gays would have to be taking care of ourselves' in both cities.
2. Media Coverage and Usage."
Guy Charles spoke to the next agenda topic, insisting that it was up to every part
of the country to help get things set up. iscussing the need to bombard the media with
press releases on important gay gatherings and activities, Charles urged gays to make
Resolution 6.
their doings sound bigger and more important than they may seem to you.
was introduced and passed by acclamation.
Barbara Beckman (Radicalesbians, Chicago) indicated that she had been assigned the
All the wire services had
task of getting media coverage of the Chicago Strategy Session.
She
been contacted, she said, apologizing for the fact that no reporters had appeared.
traced the absence to the continuing blackout on gay news since Gay Pride Week last summer.
Dave Christian (Gay Ilouse, finneapolis) suggested that delegates zap the wire ser-
vices for not covering the conference.
Guy Charles proposed instead that all delegates make as many separate calls that
night to papers and wire services, saying, "There was a gay convention in Chicago today.
Where were you?"
Barbara Beckman reminded the delegates that the media had also been invited to a
press conference on Sunday, at 1 p.m., and expressed the hope that the calls Charles sug-
She then repeated her
gested might bring media coverage of part of the Session tomorrow.
earlier demand that delegates hear the tape of Shirley Chisholm's remarks on gay libera-
tion, and the Chair acceded to her request.
It was agreed
After brief announcements, the Saturday Session came to a close.
that the Sunday Session would continue the work of the convention, addressing itself pri-
marily to the platform items that were to be developed by the committee that evening.
C. THE SUNDAY SESSION AGENDA & DISCUSSION
2.
1. National Coordination.
Most of the time, however, was spent in
As originally planned, the Agenda for Sunday was to be:
3. Summary."
A second gay Conference?
amending and adopting the "Gay Rights Platform" [Page 2, above].
Under the Chairmanship of Ernie Reaugh (GLF, Tri-Cities), delegates selected Tom
Koberstein (Minneapolis) to record the minutes as secretary, in the absence of Steve Hog-
lund, who had to depart earlier for Washington.
In debate on the Gay Rights Platform, the following major changes were made in the
committee's version:
"Gay" was to printed with a capital 'g' wherever it appeared.
"gay, people'
was replaced with "Gay women and men.
the verb demand" replaced "urge" wherever used.
In debate on the Federal Demands, the following major changes were made in the
committee's version:
"Recommendations was stricken and "Demands" substituted.
In Demand #1, "public services"
as added.
Objections, by a large minority of delegates, to inclusion of Demand #2, relating
to the Armed Forces, while deflected by a majority of delegates, led to preparation of
a minority report [see below[.
with
In Demand #6, the phrase "on par with heterosexuality" was stricken and replaced
'and as a viable alternative to heterosexuality.
In Demand #6, delegates insisted that sex education courses on homosexuality be
"prepared and taught by qualified Gay women and men," by adding this phrase.
John Abney requested to go on record as being in opposition to Demand #6 because
of this insertion.
In Demand #7, "social and political activities" was added, as was the phrase,
"and ordering the immediate destruction of all such existing data."
--In Demand #8, "homosexual organizations" was replaced with the phrase, "aid pro-
jects for social and political activities of Gay women's and men's organizations. "Also,
"the problems
the phrase "the problems encountered by homosexuals" was changed to read:
encountered by Gay women and men which are engendered by an oppressive sexist society.
In debate on the State Demands, the following major changes were made in the com-
mittee's version
- In Demand #5,
In Demand #6,
foster parenthood" was added.
cross-dressing"
was added.
17
---
Page 3 - State Platform
16.
17.
18.
Support and lobby for Senate Bill 252, which deals with suspension
in high schools.
Support of factual public drug education programs.
Support student participation in forming of curriculums.
Civil Liberties
1. Endorse Equal Rights Amendment
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
✓13.
14.
✓ 15.
Support governor's task force's recommendations for prison reform,
including du e process with all matters dealing within the prison.
Support present system for selection of judges.
Protect legal rights of prisoners in prison procedures.
Limit terms of polich chiefs.
Standardization of conditions in all county jails.
Restore civil liberties to prisoners including voting rights and
conjugal visitation by wives.
Support removal of non-violent crimes from record after going 7
ycars without another conviction, excluding traffic offenses.
Support complete banning of wire-tapping.
Permission for students and parents to see all school records
including IQ scores; also prohibit revealing educational records
without permission of individual.
Prohibit teachers from seeing achievement or behavior records
during first half of any semester.
Support allowance of indivudual's right to see files security
corporations hold on them.
Support elimination of laws regarding morality.
Support opposition to all forms of censorship,
Opposition to expanded emergency powers of the governor; (support
to lobby for Assembly Bill 196).
16. *Support to reaffirm the rights of newsmen--so they do not have to
reveal their sources.
17.
✓ 13.
19.*
✓ 20.
Support that gambling be legalized in Wisconsin, with government
control and taxation.
Support for legalization of prostitution with government controled
health standards.
Support the United Farm Workers Guild Brandy and Lettuce Boycotts.
Support the right to privacy including the right to examine at
will and correct by legal procedures all government files.
21. Opposition of legal oppression and discrimination directed towards
and/or affecting homosexuals; public announcement of support of
aims and goals of Gay Liberation Movement.
Support a ban on pay toilets.
2.2.
✓ 23.
Support incompatability as grounds for divorce in Wisconsin, and
oppose all divorce laws which discriminate according to sex.
National Issues
1.
Support right to examine and correct FBI files held on an indi-
vidual, by the individual.
2.
Support the concept of youth fares.
3. Support health maintenance programs, administered by the gov-
4.
ernment.
Support integration of schools in the United States with the use,
when necessary, of bussing to achieve that integration.
---
Page 4-State Platform
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
✓ 17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
✓ 23.
✓ 24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
Support exoneration of draft resisters and evadors, as per the 1972
War Resisters Exoneration Act.
Ban the SST in the United States.
No Sanguine anywhere, in any way, shape, or form.
Oppose proposed cuts by the Nixon Administration in Veterans Benefits.
Condemn the President for impounding funds already approved by
Congress for Government Agencies.
Oppose dismantlement of OBO and the RDA and REAP Programs.
Restructure agricultural benefits to aid only the small farmer.
Support restructuring of federal aid for interstate highway from
9-1 to 2-1, and the creation of a National Transit Authority finan-
ced by funds diverted from the Highway Trust Fund.
Support cuts in military spending in the denfense budget by at
least 15%.
Support that the Senate Foreign Relations Committee should hold
hearings for Indian Treaties, and that the Senate make a "full-
scale" investigation of government treatment of Indians.
Support increased participation by the United States in United
Nations activities.
Support election of the President by popular vote.
Support Veterans Benefits for Conscientious Objectors.
Opposition of the use of Executive privilege and classification
of information.
Oppose any court martials or other legal proceedings against any
POWs who engage in anti-war or peace activities while captive in
Vietnam.
Support free radio and TV time for all presidential candidates
listed on the general election ballot.
Support Congressional efforts to restore Reservation Status to
the Menomonie Indians.
Support prevention of Military Surveillance of civilians.
Support exemption of postal employees from Hatch Act.
Support the goals of the American Indian Movement, and the re-
moval of federal marshals from Wounded Knee.
Oppose the re-instatement of capital punishment.
Designate UN Day, October 24, as a National Holiday.
Support the Outlawing of the sale of handguns.
Support abolition of the Selective Service System.
29. Support mandatory publicizing of sources of funds of candidates
for public office.
30.
✓ 31.
Support for legislation to stop the US from providing finance used
for war or war materials to nations at war, unless the US has
declared war on the opposing nation.
Support and encourage a congressional initiative to actively
exercise their powers and stop the encroachment of the executive
branch on congressional powers.
32. Recognition of Wounded Knee as a soverigh state
International
1.
12.
3.
4.
5.
Support official recognition of Red China and Banladesh.
Support normalization of relations with Cuba.
After 30 days Congressional approval is necessary to sustain
commitment of troops by the President, outside of the United States.
Condemn and oppose all military aid and support given to Portugal,
the last colonial power in the world.
Support the goals of the Irish Republican Army in their fight for
independence in Northern Ireland.
---
CHICAGO STRATEGY SESSION FOR THE 1972 ELECTIONS
PAGE 10
Although adopted by a vote of 32-24, without amendment, Demand #7 proved so
contoversial that the following delegates requested their votes to go on record. FOR:
Rich Wandel and Mike McPherson (GAA, New York). AGAINST: Jim Fouratt (Purple Star Tribe),
University of Chicago Gay Liberation, Bob Johnson (GAA, Washington DC), Bill Leubrie
(GLF, hampaign-Urbana), GLF, San Diego, Alan Henderson, (Mattachine Society, New York
City), PRO Toledo, Gay Community Alliance (Kansas City, MO), H.O.P.E. Chicago, John Abney
(Chicago Gay Alliance, ichael Bergeron (Advocates of Gay Action, Chicago), Notre Dame
and South Bend Gay Alliance, Allan Vick (Gay People's Alliance, Washington DC), Michael
Christianson (GLM, Michigan State University), Greg Payne (Gay House, Minneapolis), Joseph
Raphael (Gay Liberator Collective, Chicago), John E. Gilum (Chicago Gay Catholics).
ABSTAINING: Frank Kameny (lattachine Society, Washington, DC).
Voting on the entire Gay RIghts Platform and Demands, as amended, the delegates
passed it with 38 for, 7 opposed, and 1 abstaining.
An "Anti-Imperialist Plank' introduced by Morris Kight brought charges that it was
out of place at this conference. In rebuttal, it was argued that issues of Blackness,
femaleness, and imperialist oppression are germaine to gay issues in that they too deal
with the lack of the right to self-determination. A motion to accept the plank as part
of the Gay Rights Platform was defeated (19 in favor, 22 opposed, 3 abstaining), but dele--
gates unanimously voted to accept it as a minority report, on a motion by John Abney.
"That the United States has been quietly seized by highly paid agents engaging in
protection and serving the enormous, almost untaxed profits of a vast burgeoning industri-
al complex. That this complex is supported by a world- ide military complex engaged in the
business of guaranteeing these almost untaxed profits. That the domestic police establis-
ment is in the business of protecting those interests and not protecting and serving the
people. A nd that we as Gay peoples within this country oppose this since it affects us
very directly as Gay people.
7.
"That in the pursuit of our world-wide imperialist stance, the United States has in-
stalled dictators in numbers of countries around the world who seek self-determination for
their own peoples. That we have established industrial control in many countries of the
That the United States
world almost making those countries colonies of the United States.
has over 2000 military bases around the world designed to protect those dictatorships and
those governments not respecting the rights of self-determination of their own people.
We as Gay peoples within this country oppose this since it affects us as Gays too.
"Moreover, our government in Washington has become totally unresponsive to the needs
of all peoples. It has assisted in the institutionalism of racism. It has assisted in
the institution of institutionalized sexism. It has by its benign neglect of the very
old, assisted in the institutionalism ov ageism. It has because of its encouragement of
Because our govern-
inadequate education, assisted in the exploitation of the very young.
ment has reversed the priorities from the people, it has, among other things, caused this
Because the govern-
country to have one of the worst health care programs in the world.
ment is protecting and serving the interests of the imperial class, the poverty class in
the country is increasing not decreasing. And that we as Gay people, since we have a
stake in all those things, oppose these policies.
It would not be enough just to oppose, we should in all cases offer a positive res
ponse; and our positive responses are as follows:
"That the United States be immediately ordered to dismantle its world-wide military-
industrial-police complex. And that all police agencies operating outside the United
States in the behalf of that industrial complex be ordered to come home.
"Beyond that that power in the United States be once and for all returned to the
people and to the person and to do that, we would say that the Constitution and the Bill
of Rights must once again be activated, and made viable, and have life breathed into
them. And to do that we would suggest that the members of the Senate and the House of
Representatives demand immediately a Constitutional recoverance of their power as the
elected representatives of the people..
We also demand that all personal power be returned to the people for the self-
determination of their own destinies and their own existences.
97
Alan Vick. John Maybauer, and Morty Manford requested that their position as ab-
stainers on this plank be included in the minutes.
be to ta
Guy Charles requested that a telegram sent to the Strategy Session by John Lindsay
be included in the minutes.
"THE BATTLE FOR EQUAL RIGHTS FOR HOMOSEXUALS IS AN IMPORTANT ONE AND DESERVES OPEN
RECOGNITION AND FULL DISCUSSION BY ALL AMERICANS. I HAVE VIGOROUSLY SUPPORTED THE GAY
COMMUNITY OF NEW YORK CITY IN ITS ATTEMPTS TO BRING ABOUT PASSAGE OF ANTI-DISCRIMINATORY
LEGISLATION THROUGH THE CITY COUNCIL.. IN, NEW YORK WE HAVE ISSUED AN INTERI PERSONNEL
I WILL CONTINUE TO ACTIVELY
ORDER TO INSURE EQUAL EMPLOY ENT OPPORTUNITY TO HOMOSEXUALS.
SUPPORT THE GOALS OF THIS NATION'S GAY COMMUNITY, BOTH IN NEW YORK CITY, AND INDY CAM-
PAIGH FOR THE PRESIDENCY. JOHN V LINDSAY.
hobbs, s
---
CHICAGO STATLOY SESSION FOR THE 1072 LECION
PAGE 11
Proceding to the Agenda topics, delegates adopted the following motions dealing
with Item 1, "National Coordination."
1. "That two regional headquarters be established, and that the sites for these
headquarters be San Diego and "ashington D.C., the latter, until such time as an organiza-
tion can be created in Miami.
22
2. "That a steering committee of regional representatives, comprising one female
and one male from each of five regions, be created to report to their respective head-
quarters, either San Diego or Washington DC. The five regions shall be: East, Southeast,
Midwest Southwest, and Northwest.
3. "That each gay organization contribute $50.00, of which $25.00 will be sent to
San Diego and $25.00 to Washington/lliami for the creation of a treasury in each of these
cities, to be used for the security of Gay women and Gay men who will be attending the
conventions. [As interpreted, this includes the cost of all convention preparations.]
4. "That each delegate attending this conference receive a list of all Gay organi-
zations and a complete transcript of all motions and proceedings of the Strategy Session."
5. "That each Gayorganization in the United States receive a copy of these pro-
ceedings."
Turning to the second item on the Sunday agenda, "A Second Gay Conference?" dele-
gates passed a sixth, and final, resolution:
6. "That we hold another National Gay Conference in linneapolis on Labor Day
Weekend 1972 after nominations of all party candidates have been made."
tives.
With passage of this resolution, the Strategy Session was adjourned.
[Note: the scheduled press conference was cancelled for lack of media representa-
The sole outside reporter was a correspondent for Women's Wear Daily.]
==
Respectfull drafted in final form and submitted by Steve Hoglund
==
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
APPENDIX: "Questionnaire for Prominent Political Figures" prepared by Gay Activists
Alliace of New York:
"This questionnaire is being sent to you and to other prominent political figures by
the Gay Activists Alliance (CAA) of New York City. Would you please fill it out in its
If you
entirety and return it in the enclosed, stamped and self-addressed envelope.
lease
have questions concerning the questionnaire or wish to discuss anu topic with us,
feel free to telephone
0
Although GAA does not endorse any individual, political party, or candidate, we do
inform the gay community of positions taken by them (or their refusal to take a position)
on issues of interest to gay people. Your response or lack of response to this Question--
naire will receive maximum publicity in both the gay and straight press.
1. Will you support a fair employment law which prohibits private or public employ-
ers from all discrimination against employees or prospective employees solely on the basis
of sexual orientation?
2. Will you support legislation ending income-tax discrimination against single
persons?
3. Will you support the revocation of the tax-exempt status of institutions which
defame homosexuals and lobby against them merely because of their sexual orientation?
Will you work to end governmental collection of data on the sexual preferences
4.
of individuals?
5.
Will you support legislation to end the discrimination against homosexuals
practiced by insurance and bonding companies?
6. Will you support legislation banning discrimination in housing on the basis of
sexual orientation?
7.
Will you support legislation banning discrimination in public accomodations on
the basis of sexual orientation?
8.
Will you personally attend the next Gay Liberation Day Narch (held the last
Sunday in June in New York City)?
IF OU WERE ELECTED PRESIDENT
9. Would you inmediately issue an executive order banning employment discrimination
in the Federal government on the basis of sexual orientation?
10.
Would you immediately issue an executive order banning discrimination in the
Armed Forces on the basis of sexual orientation?
11. Would you immediately issue an executive order banning discrimination against
aliens by the Immigration & Naturalization Service on the basis of sexual orientation?
12. Would you support an amendment to the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and 1968 banning
discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation?
13.
Would you issue an executive order restoring full veteran's rights to all indi-
iduals previously given less than honorable discharges for sonsensual sodomy?
"Additional remarks... [Signature authorizes GAA NYC to release contents...]"
---
CANADA
OFFICE OF THE PRIME MINISTER CABINET DU PREMIER MINISTRE
Ottawa,
K1A
OA 2,
March 30, 1972.
Mr. J.C. Sullivan,
Toronto 18, Ontario.
Dear Mr. Sullivan:
Please accept this acknowledgement for
your letter of March 16 concerning homosexuality
in Canada.
You are mistaken in your assumption that
the changes affected in the Criminal Code with regard
to this were extended to 'legalize' it for any age.
The fact is, people who are practicing homosexuals
are not considered to be criminals, and therefore
should not have to be affected by the Criminal Code.
What these changes did was to differentiate between
the concepts of sin and crime.
You might be interested in reading the
following remarks made by the Prime Minister on morality:
My whole position on morality
versus criminality is that the
criminal law should not be used
to express the morality of any
one group, religious or pressure
groups, or others. The criminal
law is not made to punish sin, it
is meant to prevent or deter from
anti-social conduct.
Your own comments on this subject have been
carefully noted, Mr. Sullivan. I hope this helps to
allay some of the anxiety you feel.
Yours sincerely,
ས
Henry Alan Lawless,
Correspondence Secretary.
---
bas
30 Ma
Dear People,
On January 13th, 1971 the University of Toronto Homophile
Association wrote to Otto Lang the former Minister of Manpower and
Immigration protesting certain clauses in the Immigration Act and
requesting their exclusion from this Act.
All we received in return was the usual "thank you for your
interest but..." A similar demand was included in the brief presented
to the Federal Government this summer by all the Homophile Associations
across Canada. This time there was no reply forthcoming. Now we believe
the revised Immigration Act is to be presented to Parliament this spring
with no changes in the pertinent clauses. Homosexuals are still to be
denied Immigration or deported for an unpopular minority characteristic.
Apparently these clauses are being retained due to the paucity of
petitions requesting a change. Thus it is imperative that all of us
write our Members of Parliament and Brice Mackasey, the new Minister
of Manpower and Immigration bringing these articles to their attention
and demanding that they, as our representatives, call for repeal of
these clauses. At the moment one American in Canada is under order
of deportation for merely being honest and acknowledging his homosexuality
to an Immigration Officer. If the rights of one individual are protected,
it is a step forward in the protection of the rights of all in Canada.
We call upon all those who support full civil rights for homosexuals
to help in this campaign. Any prejudicial law structure is a threat
to the rights of Canadian citizens, regardless of sexuality. By denying
Immigration to homosexuals our government is in fact saying homosexuals
are not worthy to be Canadian citizens.
Protest this insult to all Canadian homosexuals. Write your M.P.'s
Brice Mackasey and Prime Minister Trudeau now. A just society must also
be just for homosexuals.
University of Toronto Homophile Association
University of Toronto Homophile Association,
12 Hart House Circle,
SAC Office,
University of Toronto,
Toronto 5, Ontario
---
Abridged copy of a letter to the Hon. John Turner, Minister of Justice
and to the Hon. Qtto Minister of Manpower and Immigration.
Dated: January 13th, 1971.
Dear Sir,
I have been informed that the government is in the process of making
certain revisions to the Immigration Act (R.S.C. 1952, c. 325). I would
like to suggest certain essential revisions in this act which specifically
refer to homosexuality.
Paragraphs (e) and (f) of Section 5 of that act read:
No person... shall be admitted to Canada if he is a member
of the following classes of persons:
(e) prostitutes, homosexuals or persons living on the avails
of prostitution or homosexualism, pimps, or persons coming to
Canada for these or any other immoral purposes.
(f) persons who attempt to bring into Canada or procure
prostitutes or other persons for the purpose of prostitution,
homosexual or other immoral purposes.
Subsection (I) of Section 19 reads:
Where he has knowledge thereof, the clerk or secretary of
a municipality in Canada in which a person hereinafter described
resides or may be, an immigration officer or constable or other
peace officer shall send a written report to the Director, with
full particulars concerning (e) any person, other than a Canadian
citizen or a person with Canadian domicile, who
(i) practises, assists in the practice of or shares in
the avails of prostitution or homosexualism. ..
The moral philosophy behind the relevant paragraphs of the Act
places homosexuals on the same level as prostitutes and pimps. The writers
of the Act obviously felt that the homosexual is by nature an immoral person
and should thus be excluded from immigration to Canada. This has been a
prejudice widespread in this society, deriving from traditional Judaeo-
Christian morality, but in the end has as much rational basis as a racist's
quoting the bible against miscegenation. There is much literature on the
positive morality of homosexuality (I especially refer you to Chapters XI
and XIII of Wainwright Churchill's Homosexual Behaviour Among Males.
Hawthorn Books, 1967), however I shall merely cite one statement from
---
- 2 -
Towards a Quaker View of Sex (Friends Home Service Committee, 1964).
Surely it is the nature and quality of a relationship
that matters; one must not judge it by its outward appearance
but by its inner worth. Homosexual affection can be as selfless
as heterosexual affection, and therefore we cannot see that it is
in some way morally worse... Further we see no reason why the
physical nature of a sexual act should be the criterion by which
the question whether or not it is moral should be decided. An act
which expresses true affection between two individuals and gives
pleasure to them both, does not seem to us to be sinful by reason
alone of the fact that it is homosexual. The same criteria seem to
us to apply whether a relationship is heterosexual or homosexual.
Homosexuals are not per se immoral persons, merely an unpopular minority
group and to maintain this exclusive immigration policy would be as moral
and logical as to exclude interracial couples due to prejudice in Canada
against miscegenation.
Above all, however, it is the Criminal Law Amendment Act that denies
legal support to these clauses of the Immigration Act. By removing the
criminal penalty for gross indecency and buggery between consenting adults
in private that state has denied its role in determining the morality of
private sexual acts. Just as the Department of Justice has retreated
past the bedroom door, so must the Department of Manpower and Immigration.
Persons engaging in homosexual sex are no longer automatically breaking
Canadian statutes, so the continued policy of exclusion of homosexual
immigrants from Canada cannot be supported on legal grounds.
I feel it is imperative that all references to homosexuals and
homosexualism be removed from the Immigration Act. This does not mean
that the Immigration Department is denied the tools to exclude male
homosexual prostitutes or pimps living on the avails of male homosexual
prostitution. While I recognize that due to the strange anomalies of
Canadian law, a prostitute can only be a female, the phrase "prostitution
or other immoral purposes" can refer to either male or female prostitutes.
No reference to homosexualism is necessary to cover such an instance.
---
- 3 -
It is necessary that homosexual immigrants be granted equal rights
with all others coming to Canada, something even homosexual. Canadians
I have been denied too long. There is no reason for the continued exclusion
of a minority group which includes many of Canada's most valued citizens.
It is for these reasons that the following motion was passed by the
members of the University of Toronto Homophile Association.
The University of Toronto Homophile Association calls upon
the Government of Canada to amend the Immigration Act so as
to omit all references to homosexuals or homosexualism and,
through its agents, to determine the suitability of an
immigrant's application regardless of sexuality.
I hope that the present government which began the legal changes needed
to grant the homosexual equal rights in Canada will institute the above
amendments to the Immigration Act. I would appreciate your comments
concerning these proposed changes.
Thanking you in advance for your consideration and hoping to hear
from you soon, I remain,
Yours truly,
Charles C. Hill,
Chairman
University of Toronto Homophile Association
---
new york MATTACHINE
243 WEST END AVE.
NEW YORK, N. Y. 10023
TEL. 799-0916
BOARD OF ADVISORS
In Formation
Paul Abels
Walter C. Alvarez, M.D., D.Sc.
Judith S. Antrobus, Ph.D.
W. H. Auden
Prof. Walter Barnett
Rev. Ronald G. Bell
Terence H. Benbow, Esq.
Alfred Berl, M.D.
Albert Bermel
A. K. Bernath, M.D.
Sen. Abraham Bernstein
Abram Blau, M.D.
Inge Bogner, M.D.
Albert Bryt, M.D.
Lige Clarke
Rt. Rev. Robert M. Clement
Hon. Eldon R. Clingan
Alvin J. Cronson, M.D.
Charles Clay Dahlberg, M.D.
Hon. Louis De Salvio
Marvin G. Drellich, M.D.
Rev. C. Edward Egan, Jr.
Jan Ehrenwald, M.D.
Albert Ellis, Ph.D.
Louis C. English, M.D.
Barry Farber
Fritz A. Fluckiger, Ph.D.
Paul Ford
Kate Frankenthal, M.D.
James R. Gamage
Martin R. Geller, M.D.
Louis Jay Gilbert, M.D.
Allen Ginsberg
Burton S. Glick, M.D.
Donald H. Goff
Robert E. Gould, M.D.
Henry G. Grand, M.D.
Alice Hampshire, M.D.
Leon J. Hekimian, M.D.
Rev. Richard F. Hettlinger
Martin Hoffman, M.D.
Evelyn Hooker, Ph.D.
Christopher Isherwood
Walter Kent
William T. Lhamon, M.D.
Donal E. J. MacNamara
Judd Marmor, M.D.
Joseph Michaels, M.D.
Jean Baker Miller, M.D.
Merle Miller
John Money, Ph.D.
Jack Nichols
John Noble
Hon. Richard L. Ottinger
Lionel Ovesey, M.D.
Frank Patton, Jr., Esq.
Rosalyn Regelson
Richard B. Resnick, M.D.
Richard C. Robertiello, M.D.
Irving J. Rosenbaum, M.D.
Paul Rosenfels, M.D.
Hendrik Ruitenbeek, M.D.
James E. Shea, M.D.
William Simon, Ph.D.
Bertram Slaff, M.D.
Hon. Percy E. Sutton
Lionel Tiger, Ph.D.
Gore Vidal
Charles W. Webb
George Weinberg, Ph.D.
Harold M. Weiner, Esq.
William Douglas Wheat, M.D.
TO OUR BOARD OF ADVISORS:
July 18, 1972
At about 4:30 AM on July 12, 1972, at the
Democratic National Convention in Miami Beach, several
minority planks were proposed to the platform. The
planks at issue concerning homosexuals were actually
very mild and only a beginning step in the correction
of injustices that have been heaped on us for generations.
Nevertheless, twenty-one year old Mrs. Kathy
Wilch went into a tirade of lies about how this
would give homosexuals a license to molest children
and even to violate the Mann "White Slavery" Act.
Mattachine and others were so incensed about
this testimony that telegrams of protest were sent
to Senator McGovern and his staff--with copies to
most of the major newscasters. A copy of this
telegram is enclosed.
As you know, the planks were turned down.
Though this might have been politically expedient,
it does not justify the slanderous lies put on the
air by Mrs. Wilch. We urge all of the members of
our Board of Advisors to write or telegraph any
Democrats of influence whom you may know and protest
this slander from Mrs. Wilch.
Sincerely yours,
Mattachine, Inc.
BY: Don Goodwin, Pres.
P.S. In case you haven't heard, Mattachine has moved
to 59 Christopher Street. New stationery with the
up-to-date Board of Advisors will be ready shortly.
Serving all needs of all homosexuals
---
Page 5 - State Platform
6. Support US aid to North Vietnam to rebuild what we have destroyed,
but oppose cut backs in domestic spending for this purpose.
*Issues in which the State Executive Board is especially directed to
initiate action on to gain the goals as stated in the Platform.
---
Homosexual Groups Push Fight
for Liberalized Morals Laws
LAT 1/24/72
BY DAVE SMITH
Times Staff Writer
In New York's Greenwich Village,
police raided a homosexual bar in
June of 1969.
Instead of screeching and whim-
pering, the enraged patrons roared
into Christopher St. for a pitched
battle with the vice squad, sparking
protest rallies, a countrywide libera-
tion movement, and anniversary pa-
rades in many cities marking the
first "gay riot."
In Los Angeles, a coalition of ho-
mophile organizations picketed the
Police Department demanding equal
civil rights and an LAPD liaison of-
ficer to the "gay" community.
What has become of the love that
dare not speak its name?
The answer lies in a Gay Lib slo-
gan: "Out of the closets and into the
streets."
And they evidently mean it.
Gay Libbers today are command-
ing public attention to freely admit-
ted proclivities that the well-
brought-up homosexual of yester-
year denied even to himself.
And though Police Chief, Edward
M. Davis has flatly rejected the de-
mand for a liaison officer-because
homosexual acts, liberal new morali-
ty notwithstanding, are still against
the law-the "gay" demand and the
chief's denial do not represent the
beginning and end of "where it's at"
for Los Angeles' "gay" community
in 1972.
That is perhaps best exemplified
by five homosexual men who are
Please Turn to Page 3, Col. 2
(UNNGO
(UNNGO
FAG
STOP
POLICE BRUTALITY
AND FATRAPMENT
ALSI
6 OL 6 AVANT
MORE CITING
9678-8 3RD
FAG
GRAKS
STOP
POLICE BRUTALITY
AND ENTRAPMENT
HOMOSEXUALS!
ONS OF SERIE CROS
TO BE SEEN
PARTIES MERIM 1099
bar of th
באג אודרבא
---
Homosexuals Push Rights Battle
Continued from First Page
usually prominent in public demon-
strations by the local "gay" commu-
nity.
They are the Rev. Troy Perry, pas-
tor of the homophile Metropolitan
Community Church; Clifford Let-
tieri, president of the Homophile Ef-
fort for Legal Protection; Dave Glas-
cock, president of the Gay Commu-
nity Alliance, and John Platania and
Don Kilhefner, codirectors, of the
Gay Community Services Center.
These organizations and a score of
others often with similar and over-
lapping functions-offer help of all
kinds to both the overt and the
covert homosexual who finds him-
self in trouble, either with society or
within himself.
The mere creation of such groups,
most within the past two or three
years, indicates that under the sur-
face and shot through all the empty
spaces in the Establishment, Los
Angeles" "gay" society is for the first
time rapidly consolidating and orga-
nizing itself into a coherent culture.
The key to the new organizational
zeal among homosexuals, according
to Platania and Kilhefner, is a refu-
sal to keep accepting the view that
they are sick, perverted or "nature's
mistakes," and a willingness to
stand up and be counted for what
they are and to demand equal treat-
ment in society.
'Underwriting Morality'
"Psychiatrists and medical doctors
have generally functioned as a re-
pressive arm of society," Kilhefner
said, "and whenever they claim to
have discovered a quote-unquote
cure for this quote-unquote disease,
it usually has been aimed at under-
writing the majority morality,
which is mostly based on fear.
"We simply reject the notion that
we're sick people. Studies have
shown that human sexuality ex-
tends through a much, much broad-
er range than just the old 'me-Tar-
zan-you-Jane' formula. No two peo-
ple occupy the same exact place on
the scale, and everybody has aspects
of homosexuality and heterosexual-
ity within himself, all through life.
"People who are at ease with
themselves don't hate us-they're
not personally threatened, so why
should they? But people who feel a
little closer to the edge are very
threatened by what we represent.
We're their hidden selves.
"By admitting our 'gayness' and
living our own lives in our own way,
we want to show people they have
nothing to fear, we aren't a threat,
there's no need to take stands and
make threats or jokes, but just live
and enjoy it."
Kilhefner's view is not without
some scientific support, although
sex laws in Judeo-Christian cultures
generally have stuck with the Old
Testament definition of homosexual-
ity as "an abomination."
The Bible and biology have been
invoked on both sides of the dispute.
But in recent years, many behavior-
al scientists have insisted that more
men and women engage in sexual
switching than once believed and
that one's interest in the morals of
others who appear sexually ambi-
valent or omnivorous is often a clue
to one's own dissatisfaction or mal-
adjustment.
Opinion of Therapist
Therapist George Weinberg wrote:
"I would never consider a person
healthy unless he had overcome his
prejudice against homosexuality."
Two decades ago, Kinsey reported
that about one-third of all adult
American males and one-fifth of all
famele
2
Six states thus far have modified
their laws on the so-called "victim-
less crimes," either easing or abol-
ishing laws on private conduct be-
tween consenting adults.
They are Connecticut, Colorado,
Illinois, Idaho, Oregon and Florida.
In another, Texas, the sodomy sta-
tute was recently declared unconsti-
tutional.
Other states, including California,
are said to be edging closer to elim-
inating or softening their old sta-
tutes on crimes without victims.
In the last session of California's
Legislature, Assemblyman Willie L.
Brown Jr. (D-San Francisco) intro-
duced a bill that would have lega-
lized any form of private sexual con-
duct between consenting adults of
either sex.
The measure was defeated 26 to 41
in a session highlighted by impas-
sioned readings of Scripture and a
reminder by Frank Lanterman (R-
Pasadena) that "the capital of Cali-
fornia is Sacramento, not Sodom and
Gomorrah."
Brown, who said he will reintro-
duce the bill, observed that "a lot of
guys couldn't vote for it without
committing political suicide in their
districts."
Assemblyman Walter Karabian
(D-Monterey Park), who backed the
bill, argued that police are too often
Please Turn to Page 24, Col. 1
---
24 Part I-Mon., Jan. 24, 1972
Los Angeles Times
Homosexuals Pressing
for Liberalized Laws
Continued from Third Page
becoming "peeping Toms"
to find out whether con-
senting adults are violat-
ing the present law, when
more manpower actually
is needed to combat a rise
in violent crimes,
And in a recent journal,
two New York professors
of sociology and govern-
ment argued that there is
"s,o me relationship be-
tween the use of the cri-
minal justice system to po-
lice our morals and its fail-
ure to protect our per-
sons."
Speaking of victimless
crimes involving sex, gam-
bling and drugs, in which
there is no injured party
willing to testify for the
prosecution, the profes-
sors say that police there-
fore must spend an inordi
thing to be spreading the
disease. . ."
And in a talk to lawyers
in Beverly Hills two
weeks ago, Davis said he
believed there is no such
thing as victimless crimes
and that police should
spend more rather than
less manpower on such vi-
olations.
Aside from an occasional
clash with Chief Davis-to
which the Gay Libbers ap-
ply the maximum of dra-
matic flair-the Gay com-
munity also is involved in
a number of social pro-
grams as staid and respec-
table as the Salvation
Army.
There is a housing pro-
gram
in inexpensive,
rambling old rentals-for
both men and women ho-
mosexuals who, through
drugs, drink or estrange-
ment from family need a
temporary home in which
Co come to grips with
themselves and get the
strength to get moving
again.
Platania spends most of
his days driving from
house to house, half a doz-
en at present, visiting the
house managers and see-
ing what he can scrounge
in money and furniture
from more affluent friends
of the "gay" community.
RE
---
The
PROPOSED 1972 GAY RIGHTS PLATFORM
Feb. 13, 1972
Gay
The United States
tu
comment men in this country
Millions of gay Americans are subject to severe social,
economic and legal oppression because of their sexual orientation.
We affirm the right of all persons to define and express their
sensibility,
sexuality
own sexuality and emotionality and to choose their own lifestyle, so long
as they do not infringe upon the rights of others. We pledge an end to
all social, economic and legal oppression of gay people.
demand
We urge the repeal of all laws forbidding voluntary sex acts
involving consenting persons in private.
Laws prohibiting loitering for the purpose of soliciting for a
homosexual liaison are vague and probably unconstitutional. Nevertheless,
they are frequently used as the legal cover for police entrapment of gay
people.
demand
We urge the repeal of all laws prohibiting solicitation for a
voluntary private sexual liaison.
Prejudice and myth have led to widespread discrimination against
gay people.
Детайл
We urge the enactment of civil rights legislation which will
prohibit discrimination because of sexual orientation, in employment,
housing and public accommodations + public services.
(more)
Chicago Joy Alliance - Political Action
meeting Chingen 740-13
1972
---
Demands.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
F.ederal:
1.
2.
all
other legislation & government controls
Amend the federal Civil Rights Acts of 1965 and 1968 to prohibit
discrimination because of one's sexual orientation in employment,
housing and public accommodations public serviat
,
Issuance by the President of an executive order prohibiting the who of their
military from excluding persons for reasons of their sexual own volition
orientation and from issuing less-than-fully-honorable discharges desire
for home and the upgrading to fully honorable of all such discharges previously entrance
3.
4.
issued, with retroactive benefits.
Issuance by the President of an executive order prohibiting
discrimination in the federal civil service because of sexual
orientation, in hiring and promoting; and prohibiting discrimination
against homosexuals in security clearances.
Elimination of tax inequities victimizing single persons and
same-sex couples.
5. Elimination of bars to the entry, immigration, and naturalization
men and women
of homosexual aliens.
6,
7.
Federal encouragement and support for sex education courses
presenting homosexuality as a valid, healthy preference and
and
lifestyle on par with heterosexuality as a viable alternative to
hetrosexuality.
the armed
forces
prepared and
taught by
qualifier gaan
woment men
Appropriate executive orders, regulations, and legislation banning
the compiling, maintenance, and dissemination of information on an
ndviduals sexual preferences and,behavior for dossiers and data banks.
8.
Federal funding of homosexual organizations designed to alleviate
the problems encountered by homosexuals.
State:
1.
2.
All federal legislation and programs enumerated in Recommendations
1, 6, 7, and 8 above should be implemented at the state level where
applicable.
Repeal of all state laws prohibiting private sexual acts involving
consenting persons; equalization for homosexuals and heterosexuals
of the enforcement of all laws.
---